Saturday, May 22, 2004
Rendezvous with Rousseau, the Hillbilly Chapter
Media Mayhem's Weekend Literary Supplement
Minnows in the Sun
excerpted from an the unpublished novel Rendezvous with Rousseau
copyright 2004 by C.D. Stelzer and Robert Allen
This chapter section is based on a canoe trip that Irish novelist Robert Allen and I took a few years ago on the Current River. The protagonist is a young St. Louisan who has spent most of his adolescence at a boarding school in Switzerland. The Balkan wars are raging in the background of this scene, which is set in the Ozarks. Note that in the preceding chapter, (scroll down) the character Eoghan is intent up kayaking the Jack's Fork River solo. Instead, he canoes the Current with an experienced outdoorsman, a sign that this is a work in progress. This section was written by me. The characters of Big Man, a black attorney for the Missouri Coalition for the Environment, and Callahan, a crooked Ozark power broker are my inventions, Ditto the Big Buck Mining Co. How they fit into the rest of Robert's novel, I don't know. But rereading this after six month, I gotta admit it's brilliant. Where's my agent, when I need him? Call Scribner, call Oliver Stone ...
DONIPHAN SECTION
As the Big Man clamored up the rocky bank and headed towards town, Eoghan busied himself unloading the canoe and sorting its contents. Even with the unusually mild weather, it was not a pleasant job. An inch of icy water had gathered in the middle of the vessel, soaking everything not protected inside the plastic containers. It took him a good 15 minutes to coil the knotted ropes and sort the sopping-wet tangle of towels and sweatshirts.
No one in their right minds would ply the entire length of the Current River this early in the season and Eoghan took satisfaction in doing so. Standing alone on the gravel bar at Doniphan, he looked upstream at the glimmering waters. The rains that preceded their float had pushed the Current to within less than a foot of flood stage. Within a month, the spot where he now stood would be submerged by a torrent more than six feet deep. At this moment, however, the inherent dangers of nature escaped his attention. The lower end of the river seemed placid.
Hoisting the emptied canoe above his right shoulder, he turned it over in one motion, letting the water drain out, bowing gently as he set the canoe upside down. He stood ankle deep in the river, listening to the ripples that swirled around an uprooted tree. They reminded him of the fragile sounds of the wind chimes on the front porch at home. A stiff breeze out of the southwest caused his eyes to tear up. Wiping the corners of his eyes with both hands, he gazed down. A school of Ozark shiners, tiny, silvery minnows, had gathered in the eddy around his feet. The sun glinted off their backs like coins in a fountain. For an instant, he felt faint. His legs faltered and, as he stumbled to regain his balance. The minnows darted away.
Every river is different, Eoghan thought, and they change each day like the weather. The only thing binding them is perpetual motion itself, and the urge to flow to the sea.
BREAK
After shedding his wetsuit and changing into dry blue jeans and a flannel shirt, Eoghan laced up a spare pair of Converse sneakers and walked the short distance into Doniphan. Once in the business district proper, he had no problem spotting the Big Man. He had only to look for the closest saloon with the largest Budweiser sign.
The place, which was called the Current Outfitters Cafe, was an obvious tourist trap in the summer. A cooler with sliding glass doors was stocked with six-packs of beer, and the front counter had a rack of dusty postcards dating back to the 1960s. In contrast, nearby shelves were filled with last year’s stock of souvenir T-shirts, baseball caps, and over-priced sun screen. Opposite the front door, a display case offered turquoise and silver jewelry, polished rocks, fake arrowheads, and varnished driftwood.
Jake Callahan, a retired state representative and owner of the establishment, lived outside of town in a bunker-like residence on top of a nearby ridge. Natives called it the “compound,” only half in jest. In summer, Callahan stayed clear of the invading hordes from St. Louis and Memphis by holding court at home, but in the off season, he and the county courthouse crowd, along with the timber and mining industry bosses, liked to gather here for lunch. More deals were struck every winter at the back table next to the kitchen than at the monthly county council meetings all year long. Everybody who lived here knew it.
As Eoghan opened the front door, a Mark Twain National Forest ranger, wearing a beige uniform, bumped into him and excused himself. He then jumped into his pick up truck and took off quickly, churning up gravel in the parking lot. When the vehicle’s tires hit the asphalt road, they let out a squeal. People are rarely in a hurry around here, thought Eoghan, maybe there’s a fire. He put the thought aside. The aroma of deep-fried food filled the room as he entered, masking the smell of wood smoke from the pot bellied stove in the corner.
The Big Man sat in a front booth with his back to the bar and the TV perched above it. On weekends, the bartender would tune in the football games but on this March afternoon, the satellite channel was broadcasting CNN Headline News. The announcer’s voice was muted by the juke box, which played a vintage Dylan tune, “Like a Rolling Stone.”
“Welcome to the New World Order,” said the Big Man. He smiled ryely, exposing a gold-capped incisor. As he spoke, he tilted his head slightly towards the back table. Callahan sat there with his back to the wall, glaring at Eoghan. The old man had his false teeth clamped firmly down on a corn cob pipe, tobacco smoke hung over his head.
“Who’s that?” asked Eoghan.
The Big Man pointed at a black-and-white, framed photograph of Callahan hanging on the wall behind the bar. In the picture, a much younger man is shaking hands with President Lyndon Johnson.
“Who’s that?” parroted the Big Man, lowering his head and laughing quietly. “That be the man. He runs this county and his power extends all the way to the governor’s mansion in Jefferson City. That’s Sheriff Garrett Barsten sitting next to him. Do you think those video poker machines over there are for amusement only? Those are illegal gambling devices. But ain’t nobody sayin’ shit about it, even with all these hard-shell Baptists in these parts. Callahan is very pious, if you know what I’m saying. He pays his tithe to every church in the county, including the Methodists. The preachers either praise his generosity or keep their mouths shut. Besides, the illicit gambling revenue is chump change, anyway, compared to what goes down here. Some folks claim Callahan still pulls strings in D.C. One thing for sure, the forest service don’t do nothin’ down here without clearing it through him first. Sit your punk ass down. We don’t want to make ourselves any more of a sideshow than we already are.”
The Big Man threw his head back and took a long draw on his beer, and then set the bottle down softly on the table. He began peeling the label off as he talked in a hushed tone. “The two other guys at the table in the suits; one dude is Hickman, the local banker. I’ll betcha lunch that other guy reps Big Buck Mining Co. Lead deposits north of here are petering out. They want to start mining in this section of the National Forest next. We’ve been fighting against it for more than a decade.”
The waitress, a bleached blonde with short spiked hair, sidled up to the booth, interrupting the Big Man’s lecture. She wore tight, hip-hugger jeans and a top that exposed a pierced navel adorned with a tiny gold ring. Leaning over, she revealed ample cleavage as she wrote down their orders. When she called the Big Man “sugar,” and touched his broad shoulder, conversation at the back table stopped. Callahan never did approve of his daughter-in-law’s behavior and he had only given her a job at the restaurant to keep a close eye on her. Forty years ago, the same kind of public display of inter-racial intimacy could have resulted in a lynching and it was still considered taboo.
The Big Man diffused the situation by ordering the fried chicken special and another beer and then asked Dawn if she was still attending the local extension of the Mineral Area College.
In Ripley County, African-Americans were rare as diamonds and not nearly as highly valued. As a lawyer for the Missouri Coalition for the Environment, locals had even more reason to consider the Big Man a pariah. He had argued cases against timber and lead mining interests at both the state and federal level. The strength of his convictions had gained him a grudging respect among some Doniphan residents and an even deeper-seated hatred among others. Miners and their kin in particular loathed the Big Man. They viewed his legal wrangling with Big Buck as a direct threat to their own livelihoods. What most of them didn’t realize is that he had helped negotiate their current contract through United Mine Workers union. In their ignorance, members of the county’s American Legion chapter referred to him as “that uppity nigger lawyer from St. Louis.” They didn’t know he was Nam vet, either.
The Big Man took it all in stride. He knew the history and current politics of the county better than the people who lived here. Jingoism ruled. The county was named for a soldier who fought against the British in the War of 1812. The town was named after a general in the United States’ war against Mexico. Later, during the Civil War, Yankee troops burned Doniphan to the ground. The mountain folk who settled here were too poor to own slaves, but they, nevertheless, fell victim to the struggle between two opposing cultures. In some respects, the border state of Missouri never recovered. In the wake of the War Between the States, capitalist tycoons rip sawed much of Missouri’s virgin timber for use as railroad ties. Eastern financial interests and more recently foreign capital continued to exploit the region’s natural resources like those of a Third World nation. Big Buck Mining was no different than any number of other carpetbagging scalawags; nothing more than a shell company, a subsidiary of a privately held corporation with offices in Rockefeller Center in the heart of Manhattan.
While many Ripley County rednecks sported confederate flag bumper stickers on their pick up trucks, others who lived in the Ozarks saw beyond the color of a man’s skin. The Big Man, in his own inimitable way, exploited these people, too. He knew which secretary at the county clerk’s office he could count on to feed him information. He knew which deputy sheriff would stick his neck out, if push came to shove. And he knew which state highway patrolman to call at home, if he needed a favor. He never compromised these sources and he protected them like their lives depended on it. None of their names or phone numbers were written down on paper or stored in his laptop computer. But they were all filed away in his head.
Just like on the river, every move he made was calculated by the risks he saw in front of him. That he sat with his back to Callahan and his cronies that day was a pure act of defiance. Eating lunch at the Current Outfitters Cafe was akin to dining in the lion’s den. The Big Man reveled in it. He knew the local vigilante group -- the Ozark Freedom Brigade -- received its funding indirectly through Big Buck Mining. He also knew the company had initiated a massive propaganda campaign against the environmentalists. According to disinformation disseminated by Big Buck’s agents, designation of the Ozarks as a protected biosphere by the United Nations was part of a conspiracy to deprive American citizens of their constitutional rights to own private property. The Big Man himself was alleged to have ties to Louis Farakhan and the Nation of Islam.
Dawn arrived with two heaping platters of fried chicken, mashed potatoes and green beans. The Big Man ordered his third beer and continued to explain the situation to Eoghan.
“It’s all bullshit, man,” he said, waving a half-eaten drumstick in the direction of Callahan and his associates. “They know, I know. You think that National Guard helicopter that tailed us yesterday was looking for marijuana this time of year? They were looking for us. The governor comes from this neck of the woods. Callahan backed him on his first run for public office. The gov owes the old man, dig? The old man knows where the bodies are buried. He can call in a favor anytime he wants. Him and the mining company execs are like that,” he said, crossing his index and middle fingers together. “They can’t figure out what I’m doing down here, paddling around in a canoe with some cat from Switzerland. That don’t add up in their little pea brains. Love of the great outdoors is not part of their agenda.”
“But I don’t understand why you would want to eat at this place, if you know the guy who owns it would just as soon see you dead,” said Eoghan.
“Why not?” asked the Big Man. “The food’s good.” He smiled and wiped his mouth with the back of his hand. “Look, I know you just lost more than half of your family in the last week. There’s nothing I can say going to change how you feel about that. But I can tell you this much: I ain’t got nobody left myself except an ex-wife and some cousins down in Mississippi who been down so long they don’t know which way is up. My younger brother got shot on the street in North St. Louis over nothing. You think the cops give a damn who killed him?
“You got to look out for numero uno first, man, before you can do anything for anybody else. Another thing, you can count on your enemies kickin’ you when you’re down. That’s a given. You let that stop you, they’re goin’ to pick you off easier than shootin’ a turtle on flat rock with a .22. Listen to me, little brother, keep movin’ and pick your fights wisely. Jesus already died for our sins, ain’t no need to crucify yourself. This ain’t no legal advise, I’m talkin’ straight up. When I put on that suit and go into a courtroom, I speak a whole other language. Whether you choose to hear me is your business.”
“But I don’t know who I can trust or what to do?” pleaded Eoghan.
“Trust yourself and your instincts,” said the Big Man, mixing his mashed potatoes and green beans together on the plate. “Look, man, I went to college and law school on the GI Bill. Before that I was fool enough to pull two tours of duty in Vietnam in the Marines. On the second go round, we had this cat straight out of the Naval Academy as our CO. He led us directly into Charlie’s backyard. Up the MeKong Delta without a canoe. Wanted to play General Custer at Little Big Horn or some shit. Ended up getting my best friend, a white dude from the Bootheel, blown to kingdom come. Never saw it comin’. Stepped on a land mine. We we’re pinned down for hours. The lieutenant didn’t make it out, either. He became a casualty of what is now referred to as, `friendly fire.’ The point is you can’t control everything. But that doesn’t mean you have to blindly obey orders, either. Don’t follow leaders. Bosses, whether they be political or business honchos, will inevitably steer you down the wrong path. They will use you if you let them and then cut you loose in a heart beat. They don’t give a damn whether you live or die. All I’m saying is choose your own destiny, man, whenever possible.”
As the Big Man imparted his sage advise, events beyond either of their control were flashing across the television screen over his shoulder. The bartender, a burley, bearded ex-biker from Sikeston, rolled up his sleeves to reveal a rash of tattoos on his forearms. As he washed beer mugs he made lewd remarks to Dawn, who was busy pouring another round of drinks for Callahan’s table. Callahan, the sheriff, the banker and the mining executive were by this point half drunk and laughing hysterically. Nobody in the cafe paid attention to the news broadcast. The juke box played a scratchy .45 rpm record of Nancy Sinatra’s hit, “These Boots are Made for Walking,” while the TV screen showed images of death and destruction. Eoghan couldn’t believe his eyes.
“NATO is bombing Belgrade!” screamed Eoghan. The Big Man turned his head and glanced at the screen. Eoghan’s alarm caused everybody in the cafe to stop for a minute and do the same. Without comment, they then resumed what they were doing. Nancy Sinatra’s voice droned on in the background. The Big Man stared into Eoghan’s eyes.
“One of these days that’s going to happen here. New York, LA, D.C. It’s only a matter of time. These idiots just don’t get it,” he said, tilting his head back slightly. “Let’s pay our bill and get the hell out of here.” Then with a wink, he asked,You know any diplomats’ daughters that I could shack up with in Geneva? When the next war comes, I’d like to be inside some nice, warm neutral territory. ”
END OF SECTION
Minnows in the Sun
excerpted from an the unpublished novel Rendezvous with Rousseau
copyright 2004 by C.D. Stelzer and Robert Allen
This chapter section is based on a canoe trip that Irish novelist Robert Allen and I took a few years ago on the Current River. The protagonist is a young St. Louisan who has spent most of his adolescence at a boarding school in Switzerland. The Balkan wars are raging in the background of this scene, which is set in the Ozarks. Note that in the preceding chapter, (scroll down) the character Eoghan is intent up kayaking the Jack's Fork River solo. Instead, he canoes the Current with an experienced outdoorsman, a sign that this is a work in progress. This section was written by me. The characters of Big Man, a black attorney for the Missouri Coalition for the Environment, and Callahan, a crooked Ozark power broker are my inventions, Ditto the Big Buck Mining Co. How they fit into the rest of Robert's novel, I don't know. But rereading this after six month, I gotta admit it's brilliant. Where's my agent, when I need him? Call Scribner, call Oliver Stone ...
DONIPHAN SECTION
As the Big Man clamored up the rocky bank and headed towards town, Eoghan busied himself unloading the canoe and sorting its contents. Even with the unusually mild weather, it was not a pleasant job. An inch of icy water had gathered in the middle of the vessel, soaking everything not protected inside the plastic containers. It took him a good 15 minutes to coil the knotted ropes and sort the sopping-wet tangle of towels and sweatshirts.
No one in their right minds would ply the entire length of the Current River this early in the season and Eoghan took satisfaction in doing so. Standing alone on the gravel bar at Doniphan, he looked upstream at the glimmering waters. The rains that preceded their float had pushed the Current to within less than a foot of flood stage. Within a month, the spot where he now stood would be submerged by a torrent more than six feet deep. At this moment, however, the inherent dangers of nature escaped his attention. The lower end of the river seemed placid.
Hoisting the emptied canoe above his right shoulder, he turned it over in one motion, letting the water drain out, bowing gently as he set the canoe upside down. He stood ankle deep in the river, listening to the ripples that swirled around an uprooted tree. They reminded him of the fragile sounds of the wind chimes on the front porch at home. A stiff breeze out of the southwest caused his eyes to tear up. Wiping the corners of his eyes with both hands, he gazed down. A school of Ozark shiners, tiny, silvery minnows, had gathered in the eddy around his feet. The sun glinted off their backs like coins in a fountain. For an instant, he felt faint. His legs faltered and, as he stumbled to regain his balance. The minnows darted away.
Every river is different, Eoghan thought, and they change each day like the weather. The only thing binding them is perpetual motion itself, and the urge to flow to the sea.
BREAK
After shedding his wetsuit and changing into dry blue jeans and a flannel shirt, Eoghan laced up a spare pair of Converse sneakers and walked the short distance into Doniphan. Once in the business district proper, he had no problem spotting the Big Man. He had only to look for the closest saloon with the largest Budweiser sign.
The place, which was called the Current Outfitters Cafe, was an obvious tourist trap in the summer. A cooler with sliding glass doors was stocked with six-packs of beer, and the front counter had a rack of dusty postcards dating back to the 1960s. In contrast, nearby shelves were filled with last year’s stock of souvenir T-shirts, baseball caps, and over-priced sun screen. Opposite the front door, a display case offered turquoise and silver jewelry, polished rocks, fake arrowheads, and varnished driftwood.
Jake Callahan, a retired state representative and owner of the establishment, lived outside of town in a bunker-like residence on top of a nearby ridge. Natives called it the “compound,” only half in jest. In summer, Callahan stayed clear of the invading hordes from St. Louis and Memphis by holding court at home, but in the off season, he and the county courthouse crowd, along with the timber and mining industry bosses, liked to gather here for lunch. More deals were struck every winter at the back table next to the kitchen than at the monthly county council meetings all year long. Everybody who lived here knew it.
As Eoghan opened the front door, a Mark Twain National Forest ranger, wearing a beige uniform, bumped into him and excused himself. He then jumped into his pick up truck and took off quickly, churning up gravel in the parking lot. When the vehicle’s tires hit the asphalt road, they let out a squeal. People are rarely in a hurry around here, thought Eoghan, maybe there’s a fire. He put the thought aside. The aroma of deep-fried food filled the room as he entered, masking the smell of wood smoke from the pot bellied stove in the corner.
The Big Man sat in a front booth with his back to the bar and the TV perched above it. On weekends, the bartender would tune in the football games but on this March afternoon, the satellite channel was broadcasting CNN Headline News. The announcer’s voice was muted by the juke box, which played a vintage Dylan tune, “Like a Rolling Stone.”
“Welcome to the New World Order,” said the Big Man. He smiled ryely, exposing a gold-capped incisor. As he spoke, he tilted his head slightly towards the back table. Callahan sat there with his back to the wall, glaring at Eoghan. The old man had his false teeth clamped firmly down on a corn cob pipe, tobacco smoke hung over his head.
“Who’s that?” asked Eoghan.
The Big Man pointed at a black-and-white, framed photograph of Callahan hanging on the wall behind the bar. In the picture, a much younger man is shaking hands with President Lyndon Johnson.
“Who’s that?” parroted the Big Man, lowering his head and laughing quietly. “That be the man. He runs this county and his power extends all the way to the governor’s mansion in Jefferson City. That’s Sheriff Garrett Barsten sitting next to him. Do you think those video poker machines over there are for amusement only? Those are illegal gambling devices. But ain’t nobody sayin’ shit about it, even with all these hard-shell Baptists in these parts. Callahan is very pious, if you know what I’m saying. He pays his tithe to every church in the county, including the Methodists. The preachers either praise his generosity or keep their mouths shut. Besides, the illicit gambling revenue is chump change, anyway, compared to what goes down here. Some folks claim Callahan still pulls strings in D.C. One thing for sure, the forest service don’t do nothin’ down here without clearing it through him first. Sit your punk ass down. We don’t want to make ourselves any more of a sideshow than we already are.”
The Big Man threw his head back and took a long draw on his beer, and then set the bottle down softly on the table. He began peeling the label off as he talked in a hushed tone. “The two other guys at the table in the suits; one dude is Hickman, the local banker. I’ll betcha lunch that other guy reps Big Buck Mining Co. Lead deposits north of here are petering out. They want to start mining in this section of the National Forest next. We’ve been fighting against it for more than a decade.”
The waitress, a bleached blonde with short spiked hair, sidled up to the booth, interrupting the Big Man’s lecture. She wore tight, hip-hugger jeans and a top that exposed a pierced navel adorned with a tiny gold ring. Leaning over, she revealed ample cleavage as she wrote down their orders. When she called the Big Man “sugar,” and touched his broad shoulder, conversation at the back table stopped. Callahan never did approve of his daughter-in-law’s behavior and he had only given her a job at the restaurant to keep a close eye on her. Forty years ago, the same kind of public display of inter-racial intimacy could have resulted in a lynching and it was still considered taboo.
The Big Man diffused the situation by ordering the fried chicken special and another beer and then asked Dawn if she was still attending the local extension of the Mineral Area College.
In Ripley County, African-Americans were rare as diamonds and not nearly as highly valued. As a lawyer for the Missouri Coalition for the Environment, locals had even more reason to consider the Big Man a pariah. He had argued cases against timber and lead mining interests at both the state and federal level. The strength of his convictions had gained him a grudging respect among some Doniphan residents and an even deeper-seated hatred among others. Miners and their kin in particular loathed the Big Man. They viewed his legal wrangling with Big Buck as a direct threat to their own livelihoods. What most of them didn’t realize is that he had helped negotiate their current contract through United Mine Workers union. In their ignorance, members of the county’s American Legion chapter referred to him as “that uppity nigger lawyer from St. Louis.” They didn’t know he was Nam vet, either.
The Big Man took it all in stride. He knew the history and current politics of the county better than the people who lived here. Jingoism ruled. The county was named for a soldier who fought against the British in the War of 1812. The town was named after a general in the United States’ war against Mexico. Later, during the Civil War, Yankee troops burned Doniphan to the ground. The mountain folk who settled here were too poor to own slaves, but they, nevertheless, fell victim to the struggle between two opposing cultures. In some respects, the border state of Missouri never recovered. In the wake of the War Between the States, capitalist tycoons rip sawed much of Missouri’s virgin timber for use as railroad ties. Eastern financial interests and more recently foreign capital continued to exploit the region’s natural resources like those of a Third World nation. Big Buck Mining was no different than any number of other carpetbagging scalawags; nothing more than a shell company, a subsidiary of a privately held corporation with offices in Rockefeller Center in the heart of Manhattan.
While many Ripley County rednecks sported confederate flag bumper stickers on their pick up trucks, others who lived in the Ozarks saw beyond the color of a man’s skin. The Big Man, in his own inimitable way, exploited these people, too. He knew which secretary at the county clerk’s office he could count on to feed him information. He knew which deputy sheriff would stick his neck out, if push came to shove. And he knew which state highway patrolman to call at home, if he needed a favor. He never compromised these sources and he protected them like their lives depended on it. None of their names or phone numbers were written down on paper or stored in his laptop computer. But they were all filed away in his head.
Just like on the river, every move he made was calculated by the risks he saw in front of him. That he sat with his back to Callahan and his cronies that day was a pure act of defiance. Eating lunch at the Current Outfitters Cafe was akin to dining in the lion’s den. The Big Man reveled in it. He knew the local vigilante group -- the Ozark Freedom Brigade -- received its funding indirectly through Big Buck Mining. He also knew the company had initiated a massive propaganda campaign against the environmentalists. According to disinformation disseminated by Big Buck’s agents, designation of the Ozarks as a protected biosphere by the United Nations was part of a conspiracy to deprive American citizens of their constitutional rights to own private property. The Big Man himself was alleged to have ties to Louis Farakhan and the Nation of Islam.
Dawn arrived with two heaping platters of fried chicken, mashed potatoes and green beans. The Big Man ordered his third beer and continued to explain the situation to Eoghan.
“It’s all bullshit, man,” he said, waving a half-eaten drumstick in the direction of Callahan and his associates. “They know, I know. You think that National Guard helicopter that tailed us yesterday was looking for marijuana this time of year? They were looking for us. The governor comes from this neck of the woods. Callahan backed him on his first run for public office. The gov owes the old man, dig? The old man knows where the bodies are buried. He can call in a favor anytime he wants. Him and the mining company execs are like that,” he said, crossing his index and middle fingers together. “They can’t figure out what I’m doing down here, paddling around in a canoe with some cat from Switzerland. That don’t add up in their little pea brains. Love of the great outdoors is not part of their agenda.”
“But I don’t understand why you would want to eat at this place, if you know the guy who owns it would just as soon see you dead,” said Eoghan.
“Why not?” asked the Big Man. “The food’s good.” He smiled and wiped his mouth with the back of his hand. “Look, I know you just lost more than half of your family in the last week. There’s nothing I can say going to change how you feel about that. But I can tell you this much: I ain’t got nobody left myself except an ex-wife and some cousins down in Mississippi who been down so long they don’t know which way is up. My younger brother got shot on the street in North St. Louis over nothing. You think the cops give a damn who killed him?
“You got to look out for numero uno first, man, before you can do anything for anybody else. Another thing, you can count on your enemies kickin’ you when you’re down. That’s a given. You let that stop you, they’re goin’ to pick you off easier than shootin’ a turtle on flat rock with a .22. Listen to me, little brother, keep movin’ and pick your fights wisely. Jesus already died for our sins, ain’t no need to crucify yourself. This ain’t no legal advise, I’m talkin’ straight up. When I put on that suit and go into a courtroom, I speak a whole other language. Whether you choose to hear me is your business.”
“But I don’t know who I can trust or what to do?” pleaded Eoghan.
“Trust yourself and your instincts,” said the Big Man, mixing his mashed potatoes and green beans together on the plate. “Look, man, I went to college and law school on the GI Bill. Before that I was fool enough to pull two tours of duty in Vietnam in the Marines. On the second go round, we had this cat straight out of the Naval Academy as our CO. He led us directly into Charlie’s backyard. Up the MeKong Delta without a canoe. Wanted to play General Custer at Little Big Horn or some shit. Ended up getting my best friend, a white dude from the Bootheel, blown to kingdom come. Never saw it comin’. Stepped on a land mine. We we’re pinned down for hours. The lieutenant didn’t make it out, either. He became a casualty of what is now referred to as, `friendly fire.’ The point is you can’t control everything. But that doesn’t mean you have to blindly obey orders, either. Don’t follow leaders. Bosses, whether they be political or business honchos, will inevitably steer you down the wrong path. They will use you if you let them and then cut you loose in a heart beat. They don’t give a damn whether you live or die. All I’m saying is choose your own destiny, man, whenever possible.”
As the Big Man imparted his sage advise, events beyond either of their control were flashing across the television screen over his shoulder. The bartender, a burley, bearded ex-biker from Sikeston, rolled up his sleeves to reveal a rash of tattoos on his forearms. As he washed beer mugs he made lewd remarks to Dawn, who was busy pouring another round of drinks for Callahan’s table. Callahan, the sheriff, the banker and the mining executive were by this point half drunk and laughing hysterically. Nobody in the cafe paid attention to the news broadcast. The juke box played a scratchy .45 rpm record of Nancy Sinatra’s hit, “These Boots are Made for Walking,” while the TV screen showed images of death and destruction. Eoghan couldn’t believe his eyes.
“NATO is bombing Belgrade!” screamed Eoghan. The Big Man turned his head and glanced at the screen. Eoghan’s alarm caused everybody in the cafe to stop for a minute and do the same. Without comment, they then resumed what they were doing. Nancy Sinatra’s voice droned on in the background. The Big Man stared into Eoghan’s eyes.
“One of these days that’s going to happen here. New York, LA, D.C. It’s only a matter of time. These idiots just don’t get it,” he said, tilting his head back slightly. “Let’s pay our bill and get the hell out of here.” Then with a wink, he asked,You know any diplomats’ daughters that I could shack up with in Geneva? When the next war comes, I’d like to be inside some nice, warm neutral territory. ”
END OF SECTION
Rendezvous with Rousseau Sidetracked by Sauget Wind
Media Mayhem's Weekend Literary Supplement
My friend Robert Allen, a Belfast lad, asked me to help fill in the place names for the chapters of his unpublished novel, Rendezvous with Rousseau. The novel's protagonist is a naive American student from St. Louis who attends boarding school in Switzerland. His father, a chemist for Monsanto, hales from Ireland. The protagonist has rebelled against his parents and fancies himself a rad environmentalist. He has a chance encounter with a drunkenCIA black bag specialist on a train in the Alps and by the end the city of Venice is ... well, I don't want to give away the suspenseful ending. Besides, I haven't read it myself. In this excerpt Eoghan (Celtic for Ian) returns to St. Louis to visit his mother.
PART THREE: CHAPTER ONE: THE GATEWAY TO HELL
As Hamsund walked the length of terminal C in
Lambert-St Louis International Airport - the "Balloon
Field," his father called it (is his father really this old?) - he thought about the film he had watched on the KLM flight from Schipol in Amsterdam to Detroit. The opening sequence of
Tarantino's latest film, Jackie Brown, showed an airline attendant walking the length of ainterminable corridor flanked with shops and cafes and bars and kiosks and travellers and family and friends and air crew and ground staff and advertisement
banners and posters and electronic signs and neon lights to finally reach her destination - the departure gate where she checked in the passengers, followed them onto the plane and served them soft drinks and peanuts or pretzels. It was, he thought, as
perfect a depiction of modern America as you could get. Everyone was on the move. Nothing was constant. Consumerism was everywhere and everyone was working for a pittance, except those who always seemed to be going somewhere on the materialist ochre-paved
corridor to the gateway that led to heaven. He was home.
This is dreamland. This is America.
His mother had arranged to meet him at the gate. He waited, the constant movement a subliminal distraction as he tried to read of copy of Mother Jones he had bought in Detroit, and then decided to collect his baggage. He was at the end of a long narrow corridor
and unless she went past one side of a kiosk in the middle of the floor and he went down the other they couldn't miss each other.
They nearly did.
She was walking past him, obviously late, obviously stressed
because she was late, staring ahead, knowing that Gate 99 was at the very end where her son, her eldest son, was arriving home for the first time in almost ten years.
'Mom!' he yelled. She walked on. 'Mom, wait, it's me.' Suddenly she stopped. He looked at her with a maternal admiration. She was dressed in a designer power suit, the kind that thirty-something business women wore to look fashionable, to intimidate younger
business men and yet appear sexy but untouchable in the same instance.
'Mom you haven't changed,' he said, meaning it as a compliment to a woman who was in her sixties.
'You have Eoghan, I didn't recognise you,'she said moving close to hug him. He reciprocated and they held each other for a few moments, then broke and simply stood there in the middle of the floor, in the midst of a busy airport corridor. People moved around them.
'You saw me two years ago remember, when you came over for that conference in Geneva, do you do not remember?'
'You look mature, wiser, confident ...' 'I don't feel very wise and I'm not as confident as I was two years ago.'
'What is wrong son, you must tell your mama.'
'Everything and nothing, I don't know. Anyway come on I want to get out of here. It was a long flight. Let's collect my bags.'
'We'll take 70 downtown and pick up 44,' his mother said as she manouvered her Volvo out of its parking space in the short-term parking garage. 'That way you can take in the sights of the city. It's been a long time, hasn't it? If you're desperate to get home we can take 270?. It's up to you son but tell me now because the traffic in this city is terrible these days. It doesn't matter what time of day you travel, it's terrible, simply terrible.'
Seventy is okay,' he said. 'I see you are still buying Swedish cars.'
'They have a roll bar and in this city you need protection. These truckers are monsters. They would just as soon run you over as look at you.'
Everything was strange yet familiar.
The interstates, highways, roads, streets; truckers, limousines,4x4s, BMWs, racing by shacks, shops, diners, giant billboards on towering iron pylons, gaudy neon lights, fast food,drive-thrus, liquor stores, convenience stores, the quick stops, gas stations, refineries. Monsanto's factories, the chemical stench -- the Sauget Wind, as they ironically referred to it here. Hamsund found himself taking it all in, seeing and remembering, like a dream sequence fast forwarded by the motion and speed of his mother's car when the traffic moved ... the North Grand watertower, vacant lots, the northside black ghetto - broken up with the greenery of Bellefountaine and Cavalry cemeteries, with the bones of 19th- century industrialists, their ghost-like names on the street signs. To the east, junkyards, heaps of iron, twisted steel, abandoned warehouses, the McKinley Bridge that used to carry an electric train across the Mississippi through the working-class steel towns of Madison and Granite City, downtown like a cardboard cut-out, a façade of glass and mirrors - a parody
of modern America, a mask, an invention of unreality, cultural amnesia. Block-after-block of ubiquitous brick flats interrupted by the Arch, so out of place next to the Mississippi river.
Is St. Louis really the gateway to the West or the backdoor to the
South? This crossroads, where he was born, so out of touch with its own past, its back turned on the river, the downtown high-rise office buildings, half empty, the massive publicly-subsidized stadium, concrete, the highways themselves monuments to the auto culture, viaducts stacked on top of each other, a maze of roadways, exits, entrances tangled together, along with railroad
spurs. South of downtown, even older old brick houses with mansard roofs, past Soulard Market, where the produce dealers hawk green
groceries, the past inextricably tangled with the present and future that it's impossible to separate as they drive by, somehow removed from it all, detached, the city a blur, a memory, the steeples in the shadows of smokestacks towering over grain silos.
Anheuser-Busch brewery belching white clouds of pollution, the
smell of hops in the air - the stench of the rendering plant - sweet death, heavier than air. The interstate now rising past the old abandoned Lemp Brewery and the antebellum DeMenil mansion, and then briefly catching a view of the Mississippi, driving by Sugar Loaf Mound, the last remaining remnant of a pre-historic civilization that once inhabited this one-time French colonial outpost, gone now, forever, but at once still here, watching the madness from afar. Staring into the night, the loner, the homeless man at the exit with a shopping cart that holds everything he owns. Signs for Memphis, and Chicago. Everything comes together and then falls apart, he thought. How easy it is to be lost here.
His mother exits the interstate at the Gasconade Street and doubles back, accelerating the Volvo, angry at herself for somehow missing the exit for I-44. And now they pound west into the sun, which is falling fast, slowing into the standstill of rush hour. Traffic is dead. His mother stares ahead, focused on the bumper in front of her. Gradually they meet the near suburbs, and all the city's problems become less visible, camoflauged by greenery. Moving doubling back into the developing hinterlands of West County, where the odd truck farm is still plowed amid the tract homes, the subdivisions, the identical houses, row after row, squatting on hills and valleys. Always the rivers, this time the Meramec, slowing the manmade progress, which swiftly starts up
again, past the Chrylser auto assembly plant. It's shift change,
autoworkers streaming down Bolles Avenue. That White Castle hamburger joint is new. It wasn't there ten years ago. Who would have thought that there would ever be a White Castle this far out of town? Past Valley Park, a run down working-class river town on the serpentine Meramec, and its oxbows, the gradient lessening, as it flows ever more slowly toward its confluence with the Mississippi, below the town of Arnold. They are moving through the hills on the backroads going to his family's farm, their home, once his home, fond memories of another place, a different time, the past, a dream fleetingly disappearing like a bend in the rearview mirror, switchbacking,back and forth, driving five miles to go one as the crow flies, the Meramec bringing the Ozarks to their doorstep, a mere 20 miles out of the city.
Home. Was it really? he asked himself.
It's so different from Switzerland. Then he thought, perhaps not.
It wasn't true that he hadn't been home in ten years. The first summer after he arrived in Switzerland he, managed to get a SwissAir flight from Geneva to JFK, paid for by his aunt for he had the feeling his parents were actually broke. They had invested heavily in the house, a farmhouse that dated back to the mid 19th Century and had to be rebuilt. Of course, they wanted it to be a replica of the original. That meant expensive wood, a new Aga stove, a granite fireplace and chimney and all sorts of original iron, steel and clay pots and pans and cutlery and plates and bowls and cups plus domestic, kitchen and garden utensils, stuff, things, items Hamsund never knew existed, which they managed to find in an Amish catalogue -- for the Amish still did everything the way they hadthree centuries before.
It seemed he had never been away. That was the last time he had been in St Louis and now it was very different. Some districts, he was sure, were thriving when he left. Now they were derelict and
deserted. There seemed to be more riverboats on the Mississippi than he remembered. The city and its people had sprawled out into the countryside he supposed because the global population was rising and why wouldn't it in St Louis? The city and its environs had changed. After Montreux and Geneva, St Louis looked modern, glass boxes and spires of polished steel replacing old skyscrapers. What he noticed, and it struck him with clarity, was the build up of housing estates and small mansions once they left the interstate and drove along highway 109 to the junction near his old school and Old State Road. Driving up the hill it seemed
there was now a driveway and house every hundred yards."
Where did all these houses come from?" he asked his mother.
'It's fashionable around here now," she said absently. If you think it is populated here wait until we get to the turn off at Ridge Road. There's a whole town going up there now,' she said. But they were still relatively secluded from the mass developments that plagued other more accessible parts of the county. Between them and densely populated suburbs were barriers: more than 2,300 acre of woodlands that comprised Lone Elk and West Tyson county parks, Washington University's Tyson Research Center, the Wild Canid (?) Survival Centre, and the World Bird Sanctuary, two railroads, the Meramec stood in the way. They went the long way round - the only way they could go. The river lay below them like a moat. Hamsund often wondered how his parents found the farm, tucked away beside the Missouri Pacific tracks, the Mo-Pac line, above the Meramec, which the railroad crossed a mile or so to the west. The entrance to the farm was reached along a pot-holed, dirt track before the road crossed the railline. Hamsund was surprised
to learn that they weren't going this way. 'Your father built a new road into the back of the farm,' his mother replied when he asked where they were going. The farmhouse stood alone behind a line of sycamore, cottonwoods and pine that protected it from north winds. In front of the trees, Hamsund noticed his favourite field had been sown with alfalfa, which spread for two acres towards the woodland that his father had bought the farm to acquire. Although his father was a chemist, his hobby was forestry. He considered himself a conservationist, a tree farmer. He managed the land with the greatest attention to detail and vision of recreating the forest as it had been before its mighty oaks ever been harvested. It would take centuries to bring the land back to its orginal state and he wanted to be the first begin bringing it back the way it had once been. He had bought the farm when Hamsund was born but didn't have the money to repair it and they didn't move in until he was six. Like many of the houses in St Louis it was made from red brick, but in other ways it was unlike anything else in the state, as far as Hamsund knew. It was
t-shaped with two stories, and he was glad to see his father had not altered the structure of the house. He said this to his mother. "He is too busy planting trees and experimenting in the fields,' she said.
'What's with the alfalfa?" Hamsund asked.
"He's growing it as a green manure. He's planning to plant vegetables there in the summer," she said.
"The whole field?" Hamsund was surprised.
"Yes, all of it, and he says he's going to grow potatoes with tomato plants grafted onto them in the front field."
"That's a change,' he said. Hamsund's father was an experimenter.
"He missed his calling, son, he should have been a farmer. He's not here, that's strange," was the first thing his mother said as they pulled into the yard between the house and the hay shed they rented to the farmer on the other side of the wood.
"Where is he?"
"He took the twins to Rockwoods.'
"The reservation?"
"Yes. He left early this morning. Amelie wanted a dream catcher. Strange. Strange. Strange," his mother kept saying. When they went into the house, his mother headed straight to the telephone. Hamsund followed. They saw the message light flashing.
"Make some tea, Eoghan, son." He heard his mother listening to the messages. Her breathing was heavy and the house was silent. It was
beginning to get dark. Outside everything was quiet. He filled the kettle and watched it boil, watching his mother who was standing holding the phone to her ear. In slow motion she collapsed, screaming, dropping the phone. Hamsund ran to her.
'Mom, mom, what ....' He took her in his arms and tried to move her to the sofa which sat in the middle of the large, long room but she was lifeless, sobbing.
"They're dead,' she managed to say. 'My beautiful twins, my children, my wonderful husband, my friend, my lover, my companion, oh, Eoghan my son, why, oh God, Why? Why? Why? she screamed.
Her scream became a long shriek like a banshee, a wail that echoed through the house until it became part of the fabric of Hamsund's mind When her death cry ceased he could still hear it in his head. He tried to comfort her, tried to talk to her, but she had gone somewhere he didn't want to imagine, even if he could.
Eventually, Hamsund got his mother to drink some tea and take a sedative. When he had tucked her in bed, he listened to that deadly message. There wasn't just one, there were several. They were matter-of-fact. Knut Hamsund and his children Amelie and Alfred were in the county morgue. They had been killed when the car they were travelling in careened off the road. Eoghan Hamsund,
oldest son of Knut, found it hard to believe. His father was a careful driver. He never took risks.
The next few days were a blur. Hamsund didn't remember anything. He had been looking forward to seeing the twins. He didn't know them and they didn't know him. He planned to to spend some time together with his siblings because he had promised to stay a month. All their contact before had been no longer than two weeks. They had met no fewer than three occasions, each time in Switzerland over the preceding successive summers, although they spoke frequently on the phone and recently Amelie had started emailing him with silly messages, and he tried to respond with a kind of humour she would appreciate. She seemed to appreciate his playful responses, and they were building an older brother, younger sister relationship, albeit at a physical distance of several thousand miles and hyper space. He sent them presents from Europe and they exchanged birthday cards and gifts more so in recent years as the twins got older, but he didn't know them as brother and sister and he didn't know how to grieve for their loss. This suddenly struck him and he felt numb. Nothing he had experienced had prepared him for this. His mother, an emotional wreck, had gone to stay with his oldest aunt, while he tried to make sense of this tragedy, which put everything that had happened to him in the previous months into perspective. The wake, the funeral, the condolences of stranger came and went like a bad dream. He woke to an empty cold house to the sound of a coal train passing at the foot of the hill. At first he thought he had wandered into someone else's house by mistake and fallen asleep. He didn't live here. Nobody did. He knew he had no home now. The only thing he could think to do was to keep moving. He decided he wanted to do his canoe trip. He rang his mother and told her he was going to do the Current and Jacks Forks river -- on his own in a single kayak.
She didn't understand him at first. He repeated the words more slowly.'Be careful son I don't want to lose all my family,' she said in a toneless voice and wished him luck. He didn't know what to say to her. He had no words to console her. There was only emptiness.
My friend Robert Allen, a Belfast lad, asked me to help fill in the place names for the chapters of his unpublished novel, Rendezvous with Rousseau. The novel's protagonist is a naive American student from St. Louis who attends boarding school in Switzerland. His father, a chemist for Monsanto, hales from Ireland. The protagonist has rebelled against his parents and fancies himself a rad environmentalist. He has a chance encounter with a drunkenCIA black bag specialist on a train in the Alps and by the end the city of Venice is ... well, I don't want to give away the suspenseful ending. Besides, I haven't read it myself. In this excerpt Eoghan (Celtic for Ian) returns to St. Louis to visit his mother.
PART THREE: CHAPTER ONE: THE GATEWAY TO HELL
As Hamsund walked the length of terminal C in
Lambert-St Louis International Airport - the "Balloon
Field," his father called it (is his father really this old?) - he thought about the film he had watched on the KLM flight from Schipol in Amsterdam to Detroit. The opening sequence of
Tarantino's latest film, Jackie Brown, showed an airline attendant walking the length of ainterminable corridor flanked with shops and cafes and bars and kiosks and travellers and family and friends and air crew and ground staff and advertisement
banners and posters and electronic signs and neon lights to finally reach her destination - the departure gate where she checked in the passengers, followed them onto the plane and served them soft drinks and peanuts or pretzels. It was, he thought, as
perfect a depiction of modern America as you could get. Everyone was on the move. Nothing was constant. Consumerism was everywhere and everyone was working for a pittance, except those who always seemed to be going somewhere on the materialist ochre-paved
corridor to the gateway that led to heaven. He was home.
This is dreamland. This is America.
His mother had arranged to meet him at the gate. He waited, the constant movement a subliminal distraction as he tried to read of copy of Mother Jones he had bought in Detroit, and then decided to collect his baggage. He was at the end of a long narrow corridor
and unless she went past one side of a kiosk in the middle of the floor and he went down the other they couldn't miss each other.
They nearly did.
She was walking past him, obviously late, obviously stressed
because she was late, staring ahead, knowing that Gate 99 was at the very end where her son, her eldest son, was arriving home for the first time in almost ten years.
'Mom!' he yelled. She walked on. 'Mom, wait, it's me.' Suddenly she stopped. He looked at her with a maternal admiration. She was dressed in a designer power suit, the kind that thirty-something business women wore to look fashionable, to intimidate younger
business men and yet appear sexy but untouchable in the same instance.
'Mom you haven't changed,' he said, meaning it as a compliment to a woman who was in her sixties.
'You have Eoghan, I didn't recognise you,'she said moving close to hug him. He reciprocated and they held each other for a few moments, then broke and simply stood there in the middle of the floor, in the midst of a busy airport corridor. People moved around them.
'You saw me two years ago remember, when you came over for that conference in Geneva, do you do not remember?'
'You look mature, wiser, confident ...' 'I don't feel very wise and I'm not as confident as I was two years ago.'
'What is wrong son, you must tell your mama.'
'Everything and nothing, I don't know. Anyway come on I want to get out of here. It was a long flight. Let's collect my bags.'
'We'll take 70 downtown and pick up 44,' his mother said as she manouvered her Volvo out of its parking space in the short-term parking garage. 'That way you can take in the sights of the city. It's been a long time, hasn't it? If you're desperate to get home we can take 270?. It's up to you son but tell me now because the traffic in this city is terrible these days. It doesn't matter what time of day you travel, it's terrible, simply terrible.'
Seventy is okay,' he said. 'I see you are still buying Swedish cars.'
'They have a roll bar and in this city you need protection. These truckers are monsters. They would just as soon run you over as look at you.'
Everything was strange yet familiar.
The interstates, highways, roads, streets; truckers, limousines,4x4s, BMWs, racing by shacks, shops, diners, giant billboards on towering iron pylons, gaudy neon lights, fast food,drive-thrus, liquor stores, convenience stores, the quick stops, gas stations, refineries. Monsanto's factories, the chemical stench -- the Sauget Wind, as they ironically referred to it here. Hamsund found himself taking it all in, seeing and remembering, like a dream sequence fast forwarded by the motion and speed of his mother's car when the traffic moved ... the North Grand watertower, vacant lots, the northside black ghetto - broken up with the greenery of Bellefountaine and Cavalry cemeteries, with the bones of 19th- century industrialists, their ghost-like names on the street signs. To the east, junkyards, heaps of iron, twisted steel, abandoned warehouses, the McKinley Bridge that used to carry an electric train across the Mississippi through the working-class steel towns of Madison and Granite City, downtown like a cardboard cut-out, a façade of glass and mirrors - a parody
of modern America, a mask, an invention of unreality, cultural amnesia. Block-after-block of ubiquitous brick flats interrupted by the Arch, so out of place next to the Mississippi river.
Is St. Louis really the gateway to the West or the backdoor to the
South? This crossroads, where he was born, so out of touch with its own past, its back turned on the river, the downtown high-rise office buildings, half empty, the massive publicly-subsidized stadium, concrete, the highways themselves monuments to the auto culture, viaducts stacked on top of each other, a maze of roadways, exits, entrances tangled together, along with railroad
spurs. South of downtown, even older old brick houses with mansard roofs, past Soulard Market, where the produce dealers hawk green
groceries, the past inextricably tangled with the present and future that it's impossible to separate as they drive by, somehow removed from it all, detached, the city a blur, a memory, the steeples in the shadows of smokestacks towering over grain silos.
Anheuser-Busch brewery belching white clouds of pollution, the
smell of hops in the air - the stench of the rendering plant - sweet death, heavier than air. The interstate now rising past the old abandoned Lemp Brewery and the antebellum DeMenil mansion, and then briefly catching a view of the Mississippi, driving by Sugar Loaf Mound, the last remaining remnant of a pre-historic civilization that once inhabited this one-time French colonial outpost, gone now, forever, but at once still here, watching the madness from afar. Staring into the night, the loner, the homeless man at the exit with a shopping cart that holds everything he owns. Signs for Memphis, and Chicago. Everything comes together and then falls apart, he thought. How easy it is to be lost here.
His mother exits the interstate at the Gasconade Street and doubles back, accelerating the Volvo, angry at herself for somehow missing the exit for I-44. And now they pound west into the sun, which is falling fast, slowing into the standstill of rush hour. Traffic is dead. His mother stares ahead, focused on the bumper in front of her. Gradually they meet the near suburbs, and all the city's problems become less visible, camoflauged by greenery. Moving doubling back into the developing hinterlands of West County, where the odd truck farm is still plowed amid the tract homes, the subdivisions, the identical houses, row after row, squatting on hills and valleys. Always the rivers, this time the Meramec, slowing the manmade progress, which swiftly starts up
again, past the Chrylser auto assembly plant. It's shift change,
autoworkers streaming down Bolles Avenue. That White Castle hamburger joint is new. It wasn't there ten years ago. Who would have thought that there would ever be a White Castle this far out of town? Past Valley Park, a run down working-class river town on the serpentine Meramec, and its oxbows, the gradient lessening, as it flows ever more slowly toward its confluence with the Mississippi, below the town of Arnold. They are moving through the hills on the backroads going to his family's farm, their home, once his home, fond memories of another place, a different time, the past, a dream fleetingly disappearing like a bend in the rearview mirror, switchbacking,back and forth, driving five miles to go one as the crow flies, the Meramec bringing the Ozarks to their doorstep, a mere 20 miles out of the city.
Home. Was it really? he asked himself.
It's so different from Switzerland. Then he thought, perhaps not.
It wasn't true that he hadn't been home in ten years. The first summer after he arrived in Switzerland he, managed to get a SwissAir flight from Geneva to JFK, paid for by his aunt for he had the feeling his parents were actually broke. They had invested heavily in the house, a farmhouse that dated back to the mid 19th Century and had to be rebuilt. Of course, they wanted it to be a replica of the original. That meant expensive wood, a new Aga stove, a granite fireplace and chimney and all sorts of original iron, steel and clay pots and pans and cutlery and plates and bowls and cups plus domestic, kitchen and garden utensils, stuff, things, items Hamsund never knew existed, which they managed to find in an Amish catalogue -- for the Amish still did everything the way they hadthree centuries before.
It seemed he had never been away. That was the last time he had been in St Louis and now it was very different. Some districts, he was sure, were thriving when he left. Now they were derelict and
deserted. There seemed to be more riverboats on the Mississippi than he remembered. The city and its people had sprawled out into the countryside he supposed because the global population was rising and why wouldn't it in St Louis? The city and its environs had changed. After Montreux and Geneva, St Louis looked modern, glass boxes and spires of polished steel replacing old skyscrapers. What he noticed, and it struck him with clarity, was the build up of housing estates and small mansions once they left the interstate and drove along highway 109 to the junction near his old school and Old State Road. Driving up the hill it seemed
there was now a driveway and house every hundred yards."
Where did all these houses come from?" he asked his mother.
'It's fashionable around here now," she said absently. If you think it is populated here wait until we get to the turn off at Ridge Road. There's a whole town going up there now,' she said. But they were still relatively secluded from the mass developments that plagued other more accessible parts of the county. Between them and densely populated suburbs were barriers: more than 2,300 acre of woodlands that comprised Lone Elk and West Tyson county parks, Washington University's Tyson Research Center, the Wild Canid (?) Survival Centre, and the World Bird Sanctuary, two railroads, the Meramec stood in the way. They went the long way round - the only way they could go. The river lay below them like a moat. Hamsund often wondered how his parents found the farm, tucked away beside the Missouri Pacific tracks, the Mo-Pac line, above the Meramec, which the railroad crossed a mile or so to the west. The entrance to the farm was reached along a pot-holed, dirt track before the road crossed the railline. Hamsund was surprised
to learn that they weren't going this way. 'Your father built a new road into the back of the farm,' his mother replied when he asked where they were going. The farmhouse stood alone behind a line of sycamore, cottonwoods and pine that protected it from north winds. In front of the trees, Hamsund noticed his favourite field had been sown with alfalfa, which spread for two acres towards the woodland that his father had bought the farm to acquire. Although his father was a chemist, his hobby was forestry. He considered himself a conservationist, a tree farmer. He managed the land with the greatest attention to detail and vision of recreating the forest as it had been before its mighty oaks ever been harvested. It would take centuries to bring the land back to its orginal state and he wanted to be the first begin bringing it back the way it had once been. He had bought the farm when Hamsund was born but didn't have the money to repair it and they didn't move in until he was six. Like many of the houses in St Louis it was made from red brick, but in other ways it was unlike anything else in the state, as far as Hamsund knew. It was
t-shaped with two stories, and he was glad to see his father had not altered the structure of the house. He said this to his mother. "He is too busy planting trees and experimenting in the fields,' she said.
'What's with the alfalfa?" Hamsund asked.
"He's growing it as a green manure. He's planning to plant vegetables there in the summer," she said.
"The whole field?" Hamsund was surprised.
"Yes, all of it, and he says he's going to grow potatoes with tomato plants grafted onto them in the front field."
"That's a change,' he said. Hamsund's father was an experimenter.
"He missed his calling, son, he should have been a farmer. He's not here, that's strange," was the first thing his mother said as they pulled into the yard between the house and the hay shed they rented to the farmer on the other side of the wood.
"Where is he?"
"He took the twins to Rockwoods.'
"The reservation?"
"Yes. He left early this morning. Amelie wanted a dream catcher. Strange. Strange. Strange," his mother kept saying. When they went into the house, his mother headed straight to the telephone. Hamsund followed. They saw the message light flashing.
"Make some tea, Eoghan, son." He heard his mother listening to the messages. Her breathing was heavy and the house was silent. It was
beginning to get dark. Outside everything was quiet. He filled the kettle and watched it boil, watching his mother who was standing holding the phone to her ear. In slow motion she collapsed, screaming, dropping the phone. Hamsund ran to her.
'Mom, mom, what ....' He took her in his arms and tried to move her to the sofa which sat in the middle of the large, long room but she was lifeless, sobbing.
"They're dead,' she managed to say. 'My beautiful twins, my children, my wonderful husband, my friend, my lover, my companion, oh, Eoghan my son, why, oh God, Why? Why? Why? she screamed.
Her scream became a long shriek like a banshee, a wail that echoed through the house until it became part of the fabric of Hamsund's mind When her death cry ceased he could still hear it in his head. He tried to comfort her, tried to talk to her, but she had gone somewhere he didn't want to imagine, even if he could.
Eventually, Hamsund got his mother to drink some tea and take a sedative. When he had tucked her in bed, he listened to that deadly message. There wasn't just one, there were several. They were matter-of-fact. Knut Hamsund and his children Amelie and Alfred were in the county morgue. They had been killed when the car they were travelling in careened off the road. Eoghan Hamsund,
oldest son of Knut, found it hard to believe. His father was a careful driver. He never took risks.
The next few days were a blur. Hamsund didn't remember anything. He had been looking forward to seeing the twins. He didn't know them and they didn't know him. He planned to to spend some time together with his siblings because he had promised to stay a month. All their contact before had been no longer than two weeks. They had met no fewer than three occasions, each time in Switzerland over the preceding successive summers, although they spoke frequently on the phone and recently Amelie had started emailing him with silly messages, and he tried to respond with a kind of humour she would appreciate. She seemed to appreciate his playful responses, and they were building an older brother, younger sister relationship, albeit at a physical distance of several thousand miles and hyper space. He sent them presents from Europe and they exchanged birthday cards and gifts more so in recent years as the twins got older, but he didn't know them as brother and sister and he didn't know how to grieve for their loss. This suddenly struck him and he felt numb. Nothing he had experienced had prepared him for this. His mother, an emotional wreck, had gone to stay with his oldest aunt, while he tried to make sense of this tragedy, which put everything that had happened to him in the previous months into perspective. The wake, the funeral, the condolences of stranger came and went like a bad dream. He woke to an empty cold house to the sound of a coal train passing at the foot of the hill. At first he thought he had wandered into someone else's house by mistake and fallen asleep. He didn't live here. Nobody did. He knew he had no home now. The only thing he could think to do was to keep moving. He decided he wanted to do his canoe trip. He rang his mother and told her he was going to do the Current and Jacks Forks river -- on his own in a single kayak.
She didn't understand him at first. He repeated the words more slowly.'Be careful son I don't want to lose all my family,' she said in a toneless voice and wished him luck. He didn't know what to say to her. He had no words to console her. There was only emptiness.
The Native American Church: Praise Jesus and Pass the Peace Pipe
Hundreds of thousands of Native Americans practice a religion that combines Christianity with the traditional religious beliefs of the indigenous peoples of North America.
The mixture of ceremonies associated with the Native American Church includes a sacrament in which followers of the religion smoke peyote, a hallucinogenic cacti that grows in southern Texas and northern Mexico.
Use of the drug in the United States is legal for religious purposes. In Texas, President George W. Bush's home state, the sale and distribution of the drug is regulated by a division of the Texas Transportation Department.
The Peyote Gardens, where the peyote cactic grown wild, is an area in the southern part of the state including the counties of Webb, Zapata, Jim Hogg, and Starr. Five peyote distributors are registered with the state.
I was vaugely aware of the Native American Church, but became more conscious of it recently, when I attended an special exhibit at the St. Louis Art Museum on the art of the Osage tribe.
The Osage lived in Missouri until they were forced onto reservations in Oklahoma. In the late 19th Century, the Osage and other tribes developed a religion based on a combination of Christian and Native American beliefs, including peyote smoking.
The art exhibit included a couple of examples of early 20th century peyote kits, ornately-carved wooden boxes, which are used to carry the articles used in the peyote ceremonies practiced by the church. Because of the anti-drug atmosphere that is prevalent throughout the United States nowadays, the Osage art exhibit didn't provide any kind of explanation of the use of peyote in Native American religion.
But a simple Google search provides plenty of background on the practice.
The mixture of ceremonies associated with the Native American Church includes a sacrament in which followers of the religion smoke peyote, a hallucinogenic cacti that grows in southern Texas and northern Mexico.
Use of the drug in the United States is legal for religious purposes. In Texas, President George W. Bush's home state, the sale and distribution of the drug is regulated by a division of the Texas Transportation Department.
The Peyote Gardens, where the peyote cactic grown wild, is an area in the southern part of the state including the counties of Webb, Zapata, Jim Hogg, and Starr. Five peyote distributors are registered with the state.
I was vaugely aware of the Native American Church, but became more conscious of it recently, when I attended an special exhibit at the St. Louis Art Museum on the art of the Osage tribe.
The Osage lived in Missouri until they were forced onto reservations in Oklahoma. In the late 19th Century, the Osage and other tribes developed a religion based on a combination of Christian and Native American beliefs, including peyote smoking.
The art exhibit included a couple of examples of early 20th century peyote kits, ornately-carved wooden boxes, which are used to carry the articles used in the peyote ceremonies practiced by the church. Because of the anti-drug atmosphere that is prevalent throughout the United States nowadays, the Osage art exhibit didn't provide any kind of explanation of the use of peyote in Native American religion.
But a simple Google search provides plenty of background on the practice.
Vonnegutt on the War and Bogus Christians: Nobody Says It Better
Kurt Vonnegut, the 81-year-old author of Slaughter House Five and other novels, gives his sagacious accessment of the state of humanity and the reason why George W. Bush hates Arabs in the latest issue of In These Times.
An excerpt from Vonnegutt's article:
"...Eugene Debs, who died back in 1926, when I was only 4, ran 5 times as the Socialist Party candidate for president, winning 900,000 votes, 6 percent of the popular vote, in 1912, if you can imagine such a ballot. He had this to say while campaigning:
As long as there is a lower class, I am in it.
As long as there is a criminal element, I’m of it.
As long as there is a soul in prison, I am not free.
Doesn’t anything socialistic make you want to throw up? Like great public schools or health insurance for all?
How about Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount, the Beatitudes?
Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the Earth.
Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy.
Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called the children of God. …
And so on.
Not exactly planks in a Republican platform. Not exactly Donald Rumsfeld or Dick Cheney stuff.
For some reason, the most vocal Christians among us never mention the Beatitudes. But, often with tears in their eyes, they demand that the Ten Commandments be posted in public buildings. And of course that’s Moses, not Jesus. I haven’t heard one of them demand that the Sermon on the Mount, the Beatitudes, be posted anywhere.
“Blessed are the merciful” in a courtroom? “Blessed are the peacemakers” in the Pentagon? Give me a break!
-------------------------
There is a tragic flaw in our precious Constitution, and I don’t know what can be done to fix it. This is it: Only nut cases want to be president. ...
An excerpt from Vonnegutt's article:
"...Eugene Debs, who died back in 1926, when I was only 4, ran 5 times as the Socialist Party candidate for president, winning 900,000 votes, 6 percent of the popular vote, in 1912, if you can imagine such a ballot. He had this to say while campaigning:
As long as there is a lower class, I am in it.
As long as there is a criminal element, I’m of it.
As long as there is a soul in prison, I am not free.
Doesn’t anything socialistic make you want to throw up? Like great public schools or health insurance for all?
How about Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount, the Beatitudes?
Blessed are the meek, for they shall inherit the Earth.
Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy.
Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called the children of God. …
And so on.
Not exactly planks in a Republican platform. Not exactly Donald Rumsfeld or Dick Cheney stuff.
For some reason, the most vocal Christians among us never mention the Beatitudes. But, often with tears in their eyes, they demand that the Ten Commandments be posted in public buildings. And of course that’s Moses, not Jesus. I haven’t heard one of them demand that the Sermon on the Mount, the Beatitudes, be posted anywhere.
“Blessed are the merciful” in a courtroom? “Blessed are the peacemakers” in the Pentagon? Give me a break!
-------------------------
There is a tragic flaw in our precious Constitution, and I don’t know what can be done to fix it. This is it: Only nut cases want to be president. ...
JuryRigging.com
voir dire. Latin, to speak the truth
From the state that brought us the hanging chat, Wackenhut Security and Santos Trafficante, we have now been blessed with a new and improved method of jury selection -- SmartJury.com.
Smartjury.com is the invention of Seisint, the Boca Raton, Fl.-based company that also provides personal background information on private citizens to more than 2,500 federal, state and local law enforcement agencies.
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security ponied up $8 million to support a Seisint pilot program that links five states to personal information on millions of Americans. The Multi-State Anti-Terrorist Information Exchange or Matrix data mines billions of records for law enforcement agencies in five states: Florida, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Michigan and Ohio.
SmartJury.com is a data-mining service that provides background information to lawyers so they can better pick sympathetic juries.
As dramatized in the film Runaway Jury, which was adapted from a John Gersham novel, jury selection or voir dire is the most important and potentially corrupt aspect of pre-trial procedure.
Here's SmartJury.com's own description of what it offers:
Want better information for your jury selection decisions?
SmartJURY™ and Accurint™ have teamed to provide you with real-time access to public record information on potential jurors.
Within seconds of entering potential jurors, you will receive reports including information such as: Criminal Records; Political Party Affiliations; Bankruptcies; Corporate Affiliations; Real Property Ownership (including value); Motor Vehicle Registrations; Web Site Domain Names; and 2000 Census Information (including median household income, average age, average years of education, and median home value).
From the state that brought us the hanging chat, Wackenhut Security and Santos Trafficante, we have now been blessed with a new and improved method of jury selection -- SmartJury.com.
Smartjury.com is the invention of Seisint, the Boca Raton, Fl.-based company that also provides personal background information on private citizens to more than 2,500 federal, state and local law enforcement agencies.
The U.S. Department of Homeland Security ponied up $8 million to support a Seisint pilot program that links five states to personal information on millions of Americans. The Multi-State Anti-Terrorist Information Exchange or Matrix data mines billions of records for law enforcement agencies in five states: Florida, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Michigan and Ohio.
SmartJury.com is a data-mining service that provides background information to lawyers so they can better pick sympathetic juries.
As dramatized in the film Runaway Jury, which was adapted from a John Gersham novel, jury selection or voir dire is the most important and potentially corrupt aspect of pre-trial procedure.
Here's SmartJury.com's own description of what it offers:
Want better information for your jury selection decisions?
SmartJURY™ and Accurint™ have teamed to provide you with real-time access to public record information on potential jurors.
Within seconds of entering potential jurors, you will receive reports including information such as: Criminal Records; Political Party Affiliations; Bankruptcies; Corporate Affiliations; Real Property Ownership (including value); Motor Vehicle Registrations; Web Site Domain Names; and 2000 Census Information (including median household income, average age, average years of education, and median home value).
Entering the Matrix: Every Move You Make, They'll Be Watching You
It's not just a sci-fi movie anymore. The Matrix, or Multi-State Anti-Terrorist Information Exchange, is a private data-mining program that received $8 million in U.S. taxpayers' dollars from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to spy on them last year.
Following the 9/11 attacks, Seisint, a data-mining company in Boca Raton, Fl., provided 120,000 names of potential suspects to the U.S. government. The target group was based on name, ethnic origin, age, gender and other factors. Background on millions of Americans had to be searched to find the 120,000 possible suspects. Matrix compiles and cross references information on indiviudals from a variety of sources, including credit data, criminal records, drivers license records and other sources.
Following Seisint's creation of its Matrix program in 2002, Homeland Security began the federally-subsidized pilot program initially used by federal, state and local law enforcement agencies in 13 states. After controversy developed over privacy issues, several states voluntarily withdrew from the program, but five states continue to use the Matrix. Those states, Florida, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Michigan and Ohio, make up 19 percent of the U.S. population.
The American Civil Liberties Union has criticized the Matrix, comparing it to the Total Information Awareness program that the Pentagon scrapped after the Ameican public and members of the U.S. Congress objected to it on constitutional grounds.
Following the 9/11 attacks, Seisint, a data-mining company in Boca Raton, Fl., provided 120,000 names of potential suspects to the U.S. government. The target group was based on name, ethnic origin, age, gender and other factors. Background on millions of Americans had to be searched to find the 120,000 possible suspects. Matrix compiles and cross references information on indiviudals from a variety of sources, including credit data, criminal records, drivers license records and other sources.
Following Seisint's creation of its Matrix program in 2002, Homeland Security began the federally-subsidized pilot program initially used by federal, state and local law enforcement agencies in 13 states. After controversy developed over privacy issues, several states voluntarily withdrew from the program, but five states continue to use the Matrix. Those states, Florida, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Michigan and Ohio, make up 19 percent of the U.S. population.
The American Civil Liberties Union has criticized the Matrix, comparing it to the Total Information Awareness program that the Pentagon scrapped after the Ameican public and members of the U.S. Congress objected to it on constitutional grounds.
Friday, May 21, 2004
Bush Bund Ditches Geneva Conventions and the Rule of Law
Scott Horton, president of the New York City Bar Association, has accused the Bush administration of systemically abandoning the rule of law and violating the Geneva Conventions as a matter of policy.
Horton was interviewed Friday night on PBS's Now with Bill Moyers. The attorney based his legal opinion on internal Justice Department and White House documents leaked to Newsweek magazine this week.
By officially promoting the use of torture in its interrogations of detainees, the administration is putting U.S. military personnel at risk, if they are ever taken as prisoners of war.
But Horton says the legal opinion of the Justice Department was undertaken to determine a way for the president and ranking U.S. officials to avoid being charged with war crimes. The Justice Department decided that denying that the Geneva Conventions applied to the administration's war on stateless terrorists was the best way to circumvent the longstanding precedents of the Geneva Conventions regarding the conduct of war and treatment of prisoners.
Horton was unwavering in his opinion that the abuses of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib and other detention centers was orchestrated at the highest levels of the Bush administration and the Pentagon.
The document that Newsweek reporter Michael Isikoff cites in his story in the May 21 edition of reinforce Horton's position.
Attorney General John Ashcroft and one of his top assistants drafted and approved the legal position that excuses the U.S. from complying with the rules of the Geneva Conventions. The Justice Department's position was seconded by the White House counsel.
The prisoner abuse scandal has widened in the last three weeks to include allegations of prisoners being raped, sodomized and murdered by U.S. Army personnel in Iraq and Afghanistan. The Army says there are now 75 cases of abuse under active investigation and more than 30 questionable deaths.
Horton made clear that it is his belief the abuses were not the aberrant behavior of low-level military police, but, rather, the consequence of an administration that has disregarded international law as a part of its official foreign policy.
[Read Isikoff' story, the internal documents and Horton's interview at Now's website]
Horton was interviewed Friday night on PBS's Now with Bill Moyers. The attorney based his legal opinion on internal Justice Department and White House documents leaked to Newsweek magazine this week.
By officially promoting the use of torture in its interrogations of detainees, the administration is putting U.S. military personnel at risk, if they are ever taken as prisoners of war.
But Horton says the legal opinion of the Justice Department was undertaken to determine a way for the president and ranking U.S. officials to avoid being charged with war crimes. The Justice Department decided that denying that the Geneva Conventions applied to the administration's war on stateless terrorists was the best way to circumvent the longstanding precedents of the Geneva Conventions regarding the conduct of war and treatment of prisoners.
Horton was unwavering in his opinion that the abuses of Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib and other detention centers was orchestrated at the highest levels of the Bush administration and the Pentagon.
The document that Newsweek reporter Michael Isikoff cites in his story in the May 21 edition of reinforce Horton's position.
Attorney General John Ashcroft and one of his top assistants drafted and approved the legal position that excuses the U.S. from complying with the rules of the Geneva Conventions. The Justice Department's position was seconded by the White House counsel.
The prisoner abuse scandal has widened in the last three weeks to include allegations of prisoners being raped, sodomized and murdered by U.S. Army personnel in Iraq and Afghanistan. The Army says there are now 75 cases of abuse under active investigation and more than 30 questionable deaths.
Horton made clear that it is his belief the abuses were not the aberrant behavior of low-level military police, but, rather, the consequence of an administration that has disregarded international law as a part of its official foreign policy.
[Read Isikoff' story, the internal documents and Horton's interview at Now's website]
More Homicides of Iraqi Prisoners Announced
The number of suspicious deaths agomg Iraqi prisoners in the custody of U.S. forces has risen to more than 30. An senior U.S. military officer in Iraq told reporters today, under condition of anonymity, that eight more deaths have been ruled as homicides. The homicides took place before or during interrogations, the officer said. [read latest Reuters story]
A Decadent Youth, Slumming at the RFT?
I may be mistaken, but I think this person used to be a reporter at the Riverfront Times. Maybe she just has the same name. I remember she came back to help cover election night in 1992, I think it was. I believe she was on the staff when Julie Lobbia and Ed Bishop were the editors.
GIANNA JACOBSON
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 3 DROMARA ROAD
LADUE, MO 63124
GIANNA JACOBSON
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 3 DROMARA ROAD
LADUE, MO 63124
The Long List: Zip Code 63124
Yes, there are Democrats in Ladue. They gave boodles mainly to Dick Gebhardt's aborted presidential campaign. A few have lined up behind John Kerry, too. But Zip Code 63124, one of the wealthiest in the U.S., is GOP country. Almost everybody on this very long list of contributors to George W. Bush's campaign gave the maximum individual contribution of $2,000. The real question is why would anybody think it is in their economic self-interest to vote for the same candidate who is supported by these obscenely wealthy people? These people don't have anything in common with working people, except the exploitation of their labor. Dah. Scroll through and see if you recognize any names:
Anne O'C. Albrecht
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 550 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Douglas A. Albrecht
President
Enterprise Capital Group George W. Bush
$2,000 550 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
DORINDA B. ARMSTRONG
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 748 CELLA ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
John Hord Armstrong
Chairman & C.E.O.
D. & H. Healthcare Resources, In George W. Bush
$2,000 748 Cella Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
BARRY BABCOCK
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 760 KENT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SUSAN BABCOCK
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 760 KENT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
William Randolp Baker
Vice President & Chief Finance O
Anheuser-Busch George W. Bush
$2,000 39 Somerset Downs
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Mary-Randolph G Ballinger
Real Estate Agent
Janet Mc Afee Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 800 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
WALTER F. BALLINGER
DOCTOR
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 1203 LOG CABIN LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Clarence C. Barksdale
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 103 Graybridge Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
EMILY K. BARKSDALE
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 103 GRAYBRIDGE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JAMES BARNES
PRESIDENT
GUARD INDUSTIRES, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 11 ELLSWORTH LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Andrew N. Baur
Banker
Southwest Bank Of St. Louis George W. Bush
$2,000 501 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANDREW BAUR
BANKER
SOUTHWEST BANK George W. Bush
$2,000 22 BERKLEY
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JENNIFER BAUR
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 22 BERKLEY
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
PATRICK BEHAN
TRUST OFFICER
BANK OF AMERICA George W. Bush
$2,000 8 LOG CABIN DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
KATHERINE BELL
VICE PRESIDENT & CHIEF MKTG OFFI
EMERSON George W. Bush
$2,000 10 PICARDY LANE
LADUE, MO 63124
DONNA LOCKWOOD BENSON
ATTORNEY
BENSON & GUEST George W. Bush
$2,000 7 WAKEFIELD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
THOMAS L. BENSON
ATTORNEY
BENSON & GUEST, L.L.P. George W. Bush
$2,000 7 WAKEFIELD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
BARBARA MARIE BERACHA
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 5 WARSON HILLS LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
BARRY H. BERACHA
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 5 WARSON HILLS LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MARION BLACK
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 2030 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
VAN-LEAR BLACK
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 2030 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Steven Bloom
Manager
Enterprises George W. Bush
$2,000 1950 Log Cabin Lane
St. Louis, MO 63124
MARY JANE BODINE
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 50 CREEKWOOD LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Mary Elliott Brandin - Driscoll
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 22 Foreway Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
CATHERINE BRAUCH
DIRECTOR INSURANCE
INTERSTATE CLEANING CORPORATION George W. Bush
$2,000 11 APPLE TREE LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN BRAUCH
PRESIDENT
INTERSTATE CLEANING CORPORATION George W. Bush
$2,000 11 APPLE TREE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
A. JOHN BRAUER
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 9247 CLAYTON ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
BLACKFORD F. BRAUER
EXECUTIVE
EMERSON ELECTRIC George W. Bush
$2,000 9630 LADUE RD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Camilla Thompso Brauer
Civic Leader
n/a George W. Bush
$2,000 9630 Ladue Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MARIE C. BRAUER
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 9247 CLAYTON ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
REBECCA R. BRAUER
STUDENT
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 9630 LA DUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Stephen Frankli Brauer
C.E.O./Owner
Hunter Engineering Company George W. Bush
$2,000 9630 Ladue Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Dorothy A. Brennan
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 849 Cella Road
St. Louis, MO 63124
John A. Brennan
Chairman
Brennan Staffing L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 849 Cella Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
DONALD BROUGHTON
ANALYST
A.G. EDWARDS George W. Bush
$2,000 19 CONWAY LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ERLE BROUGHTON
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 19 CONWAY LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MELVIN F. BROWN
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 9034 SEDGWICK Pl DRIVE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
PAMELA BROWN
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 9034 SEDGWICK Pl DRIVE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Barbara M. Bryant
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 2021 S Warson Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Donald L. Bryant
Chairman & C.E.O.
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 2021 S Warson Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
CHARLENE BRY
CONSULTANT
LADUE CONSULTING George W. Bush
$2,000 1 MARYHILL
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JAMES BURST
N/A
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 33 GOUVENOR LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
RUTH BURST
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 3 WARRIDGE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Steven A. Busch
Executive
Anheuser Busch Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 3 Apple Tree Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Patricia R. Bush
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 37 Picardy Ln
Saint Louis, MO 63124
William H. T. Bush
Chairman
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 37 Picardy Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Lorraine S. Cherrick
Attorney
Computer Sales International, In George W. Bush
$2,000 47 Briarcliff
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ROBERT J. CIAPCIAK
STOCKBROKER/PARTNER
EDWARD JONES INVESTMENTS George W. Bush
$2,000 9851 WATERBURY DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Jerry G. Clinton
President/Chairman Of The Board
Grey Eagle Distributors, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Carters Grove
Ladue, MO 63124
F. Crunden Cole
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 911 S Warson Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANDREW J. CONDIE
OWNER
DROEGE FOOD SERVICE COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 35 OVERHILLS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Herbert D. Condie
Consultant
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 4 Lindworth Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Karen Condie
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 4 Lindworth Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
S. Bryan Cook
Banker
First National Bank Of St. Louis George W. Bush
$2,000 7 Upper Dadue Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Carolyn B. Danforth
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 26 Braeburn Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Elizabeth Danforth
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Glenview Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
John C. Danforth
Attorney
Bryan Cave L.L.P. George W. Bush
$2,000 911 Tirrill Farms Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Sally Danforth
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 911 Tirrill Farms Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
William H. Danforth
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Glenview Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JACQUELINE DANIS
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 8 FORDYCE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
IMOTHY DAVIS
MANAGING PARTNER
R.C.P. ADVISORS George W. Bush
$2,000 8 FORDYCE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LINDA DESLOGE
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 39 PICARDY LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
THEODORE P. DESLOGE
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 39 PICARDY LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DAVID DESPAIN
ACCOUNTANT
ERNST AND YOUNG George W. Bush
$2,000 8 ROLLING ROCK LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
PAUL DIEMER
CORPORATE OFFICER
ENTERPRISE RENT-A-CAR George W. Bush
$2,000 38 FAIR OAKS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Charles A. Dill
Venture Capital
Gateway Associates George W. Bush
$2,000 807 S Warson Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MARY M. DILL
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 807 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
RITA EISEMAN
REAL ESTATE MANAGEMENT
MARY R. WOLFE R.E. MGMT. COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 9031 SEDGWICK Pl DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
WILLIAM EISEMAN
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 9031 SEDGWICK Pl DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Howard Elliott
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 46 Clermont Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Susan S. Elliott
Executive
Systems Service Enterprises, Inc George W. Bush
$2,000 46 Clermont Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
SUZANNE ENGELHARDT
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 901 KENT ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
GEORGE H. ERKER
BROKER
SALOMON SMITH BARNEY George W. Bush
$2,000 466 S PRICE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Alyn V. Essman
C. E. O.
C P 1 Corporation George W. Bush
$2,000 21 Somerset Downs
Saint Louis, MO 63124
BETTY FARRELL
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 1220 LOG CABIN LN
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DAVID FARR
C.E.O.
EMERSON ELECTRIC George W. Bush
$2,000 1 FAIR OAKS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LELIA FARR
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 1 FAIR OAKS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Robert E. Flynn
Real Estate
Berry Grant Company George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Wickersham Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
GARTH F. FORT
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 31 BRIARCLIFF
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Gregory A. Fox
Executive
Harbour Group George W. Bush
$2,000 24 Upper Ladue Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Merle Fox
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 24 Upper Ladue Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
CHERYL FROMM
HOMEMAKER/COMMUNITY VOLUNTEER George W. Bush
$2,000 10 DROMARA ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
RONALD FROMM
CORPORATE EXECUTIVE
BROWN SHOE COMPANY, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 10 DROMARA ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CORINNE FUSZ
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 750 KENT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LOUIS FUSZ
AUTO RETAIL
LOU FUSZ AUTOMOTIVE George W. Bush
$2,000 750 KENT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JULIE GAERTNER
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 10 WILD ROSE DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
WALTER GALVIN
C.F.O.
EMERSON ELECTRIC COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 9945 OLD CHATHAM ROAD
LADUE, MO 63124
EDWARD L. GLOTZBACH
C.F.O.
T.P.I., INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 53 CLERMONT LANE
LADUE, MO 63124
JULIE GLOTZBACH
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 53 CLERMONT LANE
LADUE, MO 63124
Alfred E. Goldman
Market Strategist
A.G. Edwards George W. Bush
$2,000 3 Sumac Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
CARROL GOLDRING
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 21 UPPER LANE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LOUIS GOLDRING
PRESIDENT
AVCORP, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 21 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Daniel J. Good
Financial Advisor
C.P.W.M., L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 27 Briarcliff
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Margaret D. Good
Broadcasting & Marketing Directo
Saint Louis Cardinals George W. Bush
$2,000 27 Briarcliff
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JAMES GOULD
EXECUTIVE
MISCO SHAWNEE, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 4 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
RICHARD T. GROTE
CHAIRMAN/INSURANCE
AMERICAN MEDICAL CLAIMS George W. Bush
$2,000 14 PINE VALLEY DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SUZY GROTE
INTERIOR DESIGN
SUZY GROTE, LTD. George W. Bush
$2,000 14 PINE VALLEY DR
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CYNTHIA GRUMNEY
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 2 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
NELSON C. GRUMNEY
REAL ESTATE INVESTMENT & DEVELOP
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 2 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CAROL HAGER
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 11 LORENZO LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
RALPH HAGER
EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT
HAGER COMPANIES George W. Bush
$2,000 11 LORENZO LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SHELIA HAMMOND
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 9948 LITZSINGER ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Frederick O. Hanser
Baseball Executive/Owner
Saint Louis Cardinals, L.P. George W. Bush
$2,000 2 Salem Estates
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Earle Douglas Harbison
President
Harding Partners George W. Bush
$2,000 9858 Litzsinger Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
KEITH HARBISON
PRESIDENT/C.E.O
HARBISON CORPORATION George W. Bush
$2,000 1230 LOG CABIN LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Thomas A. Hays
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 29 Trent Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MARK HEARNE
ATTORNEY
LATHROP & CAGE George W. Bush
$2,000 5 TOWN COUNTRY DRIVE
LA DUE, MO 63124
Robert R. Hermann
President
Hermann Companies, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 777 Cella Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Robert R. Hermann
President/C.E.O.
Hermann Companies, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 30 Foreway Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Kerry L. Holekamp
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Barclay Woods
Saint Louis, MO 63124
William Frederick Holekamp
Investment
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Barclay Woods
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Kerry Hole
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Barclay Woods
St. Louis, MO 63124
William F. Hole
President
Holekamp Capital George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Barclay Woods
St. Louis, MO 63124
Carl R. Holman
Retired
Mallinkrodt, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 3 Lorenzo Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Fielding Lewis Holmes
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 43 Glen Eagles Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
RICHARD HOLTON
CONSULTANT
YARMOUTH, L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 4 SUNNINGDALE DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
George J. Hruza
Physician
Laser & Dermatologic Surgery Cen George W. Bush
$2,000 6 Ames Pl Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Luciann L. Hruza
Physician
Clayton Dermatology George W. Bush
$2,000 6 Ames Pl Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MICHAEL DENNIS HURST
PRESIDENT/C.O.O.
MC CARTHY BUILDING COMPAINES, IN George W. Bush
$2,000 907 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
GIANNA JACOBSON
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 3 DROMARA ROAD
LADUE, MO 63124
SUSAN JOCKETTY
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 27 DEER CREEK WOODS
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
WALTER JOCKETTY
SR. VICE PRESIDENT/GENERAL MANAG
ST. LOUIS CARDINALS George W. Bush
$2,000 27 DEER CREEK WOODS
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Henry O. Johnston
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 4 Town Country Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
SALLY C. JOHNSTON
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 4 TOWN COUNTRY DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CORINNE JONES
INTERIOR DESIGNER
JACQUELINE MARITZ INTERIORS George W. Bush
$2,000 2 HIGH DOWNS LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MEREDITH JONES
STOCKBROKER
MEREDITH C. JONES & COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 2 HIGH DOWNS LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CONSTANCE KAHN
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 12 APPLETREE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
EUGENE S. KAHN
C.E.O.
MAY DEPARTMENT STORES George W. Bush
$2,000 12 APPLETREE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Lee R. Kaplan
Senior Vice President
Enterprise Rent-A-Car George W. Bush
$2,000 10270 Kinsella Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
DAVID W. KEMPER
BANKER
COMMERCE BANK George W. Bush
$2,000 7 WARRIDGE DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN E. KLEIN
PRESIDENT & CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFI
BUNGE NORTH AMERICA George W. Bush
$2,000 15 PINE VALLEY DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SUSAN V. KLEIN
PRESIDENT/C.E.O.
BUNGE NORTH AMERICA, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 15 PINE VALLEY DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Charles F. Knight
Chairman
Emerson Electric George W. Bush
$2,000 24 Foreway Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Joanne P. Knight
Chairman
Emerson Electric George W. Bush
$2,000 24 Foreway Dr
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MARGARET W. KOBUSCH
HOMEMAKER
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 10015 CONWAY ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Alan C. Kohn
Lawyer
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 40 Upper Ladue Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JOANNE KOHN
TEACHER
WEBOTEN UNIVERSITY George W. Bush
$2,000 40 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CAROLE F. KROEGER
ARTIST
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 50 GLEN EAGLES DR
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
HAROLD A. KROEGER
PRESIDENT
HALAK, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 50 GLEN EAGLES DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ANDREA S. LA BARGE
ARTIST AGENT
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 1 FORDYCE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CRAIG E. LA BARGE
C.E.O. & PRESIDENT
LA BARGE, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 1 FORDYCE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LARRY LABRIER
EXECUTIVE
COIN ACCEPTORS INC George W. Bush
$2,000 31 PICCARDY LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
NANCY SUE LABRIER
EXECUTIVE
COIN ACCEPTORS INC George W. Bush
$2,000 31 PICCARDY LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JOAN LANGENBERG
WRITER
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 1 DANIEL ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DONALD LASATER
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 751 CELLA ROAD
LADUE, MO 63124
E. DESMOND LEE
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 36 PICARDY LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN LEMKEMEIER
BUSINESS
CONTEC, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 15 BRIARCLIFF
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LEWIS A. LEVEY
REAL ESTATE DEVELOPER/CONSULTANT
ENHANCED VALUE STRATEGIES, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 7 BARCLAY WOODS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Ann T. Liberman
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 9520 Clayton Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Lee M. Liberman
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 9520 Clayton Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
John P. Mac Carthy
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 6 Robin Hill Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
TALBOT L. MACCARTHY
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 6 ROBIN HILL LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
KEVIN A. MAHER
PRESIDENT
SAINT CHARLES NISSAN, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 27 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Barbara M. Mahoney
Retired
Ret. George W. Bush
$2,000 28 Upper Ladue Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Richard J. Mahoney
Retired
Ret. George W. Bush
$2,000 28 Upper Ladue Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Jeanne Maritz
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Sunningdale Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
William S. Maritz
Executive
Maritz, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Sunningdale Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
GEORGIA MARTIN
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 750 CELLA ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Paul E. Martin
Investment Banking
A. G. Edwards & Sons, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 750 Cella Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Theodore R.P. Martin
Chairman Emeritus
Colliers, Turley, Martin & Tucke George W. Bush
$2,000 782 Kent Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANNE S. MC ALPIN
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 2 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CHARLES N. MC ALPIN
BROKER
SMITH BARNEY George W. Bush
$2,000 2 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
COLLEEN MC CMILLAN
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 1 SHERATON DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Elizabeth H. Mc Donnell
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 40 Glen Eagles Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
James S. Mc Donnell
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 40 Glen Eagles Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Gene Mc Nary
Lawyer
Paule, Camazine Et Al George W. Bush
$2,000 3 Watch Hill
Saint Louis, MO 63124
SUSAN MC NARY
LAWYER
PAULE, CAMAZINE ET AL George W. Bush
$2,000 3 WATCH HILL
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
J
ohn Mc Pleeters
Farmer
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 700 Scott Price Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
BILL MILLER
EXECUTIVE
PREMIER RENTALS George W. Bush
$2,000 49 TRENT DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
KIMBERLY VENETTE MILLER
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 49 TRENT DRIVE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
MARY MILLSAP
TRUST OFFICER
JEFFERSON BANK & TRUST George W. Bush
$2,000 1240 LAY ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JAMES JOSEPH MURPHY
CONSTRUCTION EXECUTIVE
MURPHY COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 1715 KENMONT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MARY MURPHY
ATTORNEY
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 1715 KENMONT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
NANCY MURPHY
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 9851 LITZSINGER ROASD
LADUE, MO 63124
RICHARD MURPHY
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
MERRILL LYNCH George W. Bush
$2,000 9851 LITZSINGER ROAD
LADUE, MO 63124
SUSAN M. MURRAY
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 565 BARNES ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JAMES MYER
BROKER
AON RISK SERVICES George W. Bush
$2,000 5 LADUE ACRES
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Gayla Narike
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Warson Hills
St. Louis, MO 63124
CHANDRA NIEMANN
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 9 GLEN CREEK LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
THOMAS NIEMANN
ATTORNEY
REINERT & ROURKE George W. Bush
$2,000 9 GLEN CREEK LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
EDWIN NOEL
ATTORNEY
ARMSTRONG TEASDALE, L.L.P. George W. Bush
$2,000 301 S MC KNIGHT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
James V. O'Donnell
Investments
Bush O' Donnell & Company George W. Bush
$2,000 47 Clermont Ln
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Kathy G. O'Donnell
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 47 Clermont Ln
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Linda W. O'Hara
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 9 Fordyce Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
RAYMOND PETERS
BANKER
MIDWEST BANKCENTRE George W. Bush
$2,000 2 FORDYCE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SONDRA J. PETERS
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 28 CONWAY CLOSE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Sondra J. Peters
Homemaker
None George W. Bush
$2,000 28 Conway Close Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JACK POHRER
EXECUTIVE
SAINT LOUIS PARKING COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 15 OVERBROOK DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
FAIRFAX POLLNOW
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 7 WARSON HILLS
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Marguerite Potter
Community Volunteer
self-employed George W. Bush
$2,000 958 Tirill Farms Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Tom Randolph Potter
Investment Company
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 958 Tirill Farms Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
BENJAMIN RASSIEUR
CORPORATE EXECUTIVE
PAULO PRODUCTS COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 32 OAKLEIGH LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Nicholas L. Reding
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 10045 Litzsinger Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
NICHOLAS REDING
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 10045 LITZSINGER ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
PATRICIA REDING
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 10045 LITZSINGER ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DAVID RICHARDSON
REAL ESTATE
RICHARDSON HOLDINGS COMPANY, L.L George W. Bush
$2,000 7 BRIARCLIFF
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SUZANNE RICHARDSON
SENIOR FELLOW
WINSTON CHURCHILL MEMORIAL George W. Bush
$2,000 7 BRIARCLIFF
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
BARBARA ROBERTS
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 626 N PRICE ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN R. ROBERTS
CONSULTANT/DIRECTOR
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 626 N PRICE ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
MARYANN ROBER
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 14 BLAYTONN LANE
LADUE, MO 63124
M. Weldon Rogers
Corporate Officer
Enterprise Rent-A-Car George W. Bush
$2,000 16 Greenbriar
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MARY RUMY
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 24 TWIN SPRINGS LN
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ZSOLT RUMY
PRESIDENT & C.E.O.
ZOLTTEK CORPORATION George W. Bush
$2,000 24 TWIN SPRINGS LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Edward F. Ryan
Executive
EFR, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Fair Oaks Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Almira Baldwin Sant
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 9 Ridgewood Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JOHN T. SANT
LAWYER
BRYAN CAVE, L.L.P. George W. Bush
$2,000 9 RIDGEWOOD ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ANDREA POWERS SCHANKMAN
PRESIDENT/PARTNER
CROWS INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 23 FORDYCE LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
STEVEN F. SCHANKMAN
PRESIDENT
CONTEMPORARY PRODUCTIONS George W. Bush
$2,000 23 FORDYCE LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
ROBERT SCHARFF
CONSULTANT
THE TODD ORGANIZATION George W. Bush
$2,000 3 EDGEWOOD ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JULIA SCHNUCK
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 15 UPPER LA DUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JULIE SCHNUCK
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 9752 LIDZSINGER ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SALLY SCHNUCK
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 8956 MOYDALGAN ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SCOTT SCHNUCK
EXECUTIVE/OWNER
SCHNUCK MARKETS, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 15 UPPER LA DUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
TERRY SCHNUCK
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 8956 MOYDALGAN ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Todd R. Schnuck
Executive
Schnuck Markets, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 9752 Litzsinger Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Mary Ann Shanahan
retired George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Trent Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Michael F. Shanahan
Chairman
Engineered Support Systems, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Trent Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANNE SHAPLEIGH
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 440 S PRICE RD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN SHAPLEIGH
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 440 S PRICE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
David S. Sherman
Chairman
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 919 Tirrill Farms Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
John O. Shields
Chairman & C.E.O.
Schaeffer Manufacturing Company George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Wood Acre Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JOSEPH SIVEWRIGHT
V.P., GLOBAL STRATEGIC BUSINESS
NESTLE PURINA George W. Bush
$2,000 54 BRIARCLIFF
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
SUSAN SIVEWRIGHT
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 54 BRIARCLIFF
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Todd B. Siwak
Manufacturing
T.R.G. Accessories George W. Bush
$2,000 3 Dromara Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANDREW SMITH
MANAGER
FAIR OAKS INVESTMENTS, L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 25 FAIR OAKS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
BARBARA SMITH
STUDENT
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 25 FAIR OAKS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
KEVIN SMITH
STUDENT George W. Bush
$2,000 25 FAIR OAKS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MARGARET SMITH
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 25 FAIR OAKS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Edith J. Spink
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 9 Log Cabin Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
C.A.B. SPOENEMAN
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 42 MAGNOLIA
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Walter G. Stern
Insurance Broker
W.G. Stern and Company George W. Bush
$2,000 37 Briarcliff
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Mary Stillman
Professor
washington university George W. Bush
$2,000 37 Glen Eagles Drive
St. Louis, MO 63124
Thomas H. Stillman
Chairman/Owner
Summit Distributing George W. Bush
$2,000 37 Glen Eagles Drive
St. Louis, MO 63124
KAREN LEE STIVERS
PRIVATE INVESTOR
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 2 WAKEFIELD DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN STUPP
OWNER
STUPP BROTHERS, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 18 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Andrew C. Taylor
Chairman & C.E.O.
Enterprise Rent -A- Car George W. Bush
$2,000 1147 Log Cabin Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Barbara B. Taylor
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 1147 Log Cabin Ln
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Jack C. Taylor
Founder
Enterprise Rent -A- Car George W. Bush
$2,000 35 Hunter Ave
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Paul M. Taylor
General Manager
Enterprise Rent-A-Car George W. Bush
$2,000 250 N Price Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Susan O. Taylor
retired George W. Bush
$2,000 35 Hunter Ave
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JEFFREY THOMASSON
PHYSICIAN
WEST COUNTY RADIOLOGICAL GROUP George W. Bush
$2,000 3 BROOKSIDE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DEBBIE THOMAS
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 14 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ELIZABETH OSBORN THOMAS
ADMINISTRATION
SOTHERBY AUCTION George W. Bush
$2,000 14 UPPER LADUE ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JACK E. THOMAS
PRESIDENT & C.E.O.
COIN ACCEPTORS George W. Bush
$2,000 14 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LAUREN THOMAS
N/A
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 14 UPPER LADUE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
LEONARD THOMLISON
N/A
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 803 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MARYE THOMLISON
N/A
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 803 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JOSEPH TOUHILL
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 54 GODWIN LANE
ST LOUIS, MO 63124
ROBERT J. TRULASKE
EXECUTIVE
TRUE MANUFACTURING COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 19 CLERMONT LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SARAH HAGER TRULASKE
VIDEO PRODUCER
VIDEO MEMOIRS George W. Bush
$2,000 19 CLERMONT LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
M. Van Lokeren
Executive
Krey District George W. Bush
$2,000 41 Glen Eagles
St. Louis, MO 63124
SANDRA VAN TREASE
C.E.O./UNICARE
WELLPOINT/UNICARE George W. Bush
$2,000 1721 KENMONT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
VIRGIL VAN TREASE
FINANCIAL CONSULTANT
MORGAN STANLEY George W. Bush
$2,000 1721 KENMONT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
KAREN WALCOTT
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 1200 LAY ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ROGER WALCOTT
EXECUTIVE
PEABODY ENERGY George W. Bush
$2,000 1200 LAY ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Melissa G. Walsh
Aerobics Instructor
Bally's Fitness George W. Bush
$2,000 15 Dromara Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANNE WATT
VOLUNTEER
CHILDREN'S HOSPITAL George W. Bush
$2,000 15 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ROBERT WATT
EXECUTIVE
NESTLE PURINA PET CARE George W. Bush
$2,000 15 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DAVID JAMES WEBSTER
VICE PRESIDENT
VIASYSTEMS GROUP, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 10 DEER CREEK WOODS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Helen Wetterau
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 4 Barclay Woods
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Ted C. Wetterau
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 4 Barclay Woods
Saint Louis, MO 63124
LYNN WHALEY
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 1717 MILBORO
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ORRIN S. WIGHTMAN
INVESTMENT MANAGEMENT
BUSH-O'DONNELL & COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 32 GLEN EAGLES DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Evelyn N. Williams
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 701 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
FELIX WILLIAMS
BUSINESS OWNER
THE SCREEING ROOM, L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 6 INDIAN HILL
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
K. MICHELLE WILLIAMS
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 3 SHERATON DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SUSAN S. WILLIAMS
BUSINESS OWNER
THE SCREENING ROOM, L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 6 INDIAN HILL
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
W. GRANT WILLIAMS
EXECUTIVE
KNIGHT'S DIRECT George W. Bush
$2,000 3 SHERATON DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Eugene F. William
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 701 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
PATRICIA WITHERS
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 6 SOMERSET DOWNS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CAROLYNN WOLFF
PEDIATRIC DENTIST
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 45 FAIR OAKS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JONATHAN S. WOLFF
STUDENT
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 45 FAIR OAKS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CAROLINE ZAEGEL
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 11 PICARDY LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
FREDERICK ZAEGEL
PRESIDENT
REPCO GRAPHICS INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 11 PICARDY LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
PAUL VOGEL
PRESIDENT OF TRUST DIVISION
ENTERPRISE BANK George W. Bush
$1,750 9881 COPPER HILL ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
IRL ENGELHARDT
CHAIRMAN/C.E.O.
PEABODY ENERGY George W. Bush
$1,503 901 KENT ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
CAROL M. HATFIELD
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$1,500 942 TIRRILL FARMS ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
PAUL H. HATFIELD
RETIRED George W. Bush
$1,500 942 TIRRILL FARMS ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CLINTON W. LANE
BUSINESS OWNER
FORM SYSTEMS, INC. George W. Bush
$1,500 4 OAKLEIGH LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
GLENDA SELDIN
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$1,500 5 SUMAC LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
J
AMES A. SELDIN
EXECUTIVE
MISS ELAINE, INC. George W. Bush
$1,500 5 SUMAC LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Derick L. Driemeyer
Retired George W. Bush
$1,100 524 High Hampton Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
RUMSEY EWING
RETIRED
Anne O'C. Albrecht
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 550 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Douglas A. Albrecht
President
Enterprise Capital Group George W. Bush
$2,000 550 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
DORINDA B. ARMSTRONG
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 748 CELLA ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
John Hord Armstrong
Chairman & C.E.O.
D. & H. Healthcare Resources, In George W. Bush
$2,000 748 Cella Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
BARRY BABCOCK
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 760 KENT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SUSAN BABCOCK
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 760 KENT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
William Randolp Baker
Vice President & Chief Finance O
Anheuser-Busch George W. Bush
$2,000 39 Somerset Downs
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Mary-Randolph G Ballinger
Real Estate Agent
Janet Mc Afee Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 800 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
WALTER F. BALLINGER
DOCTOR
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 1203 LOG CABIN LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Clarence C. Barksdale
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 103 Graybridge Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
EMILY K. BARKSDALE
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 103 GRAYBRIDGE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JAMES BARNES
PRESIDENT
GUARD INDUSTIRES, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 11 ELLSWORTH LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Andrew N. Baur
Banker
Southwest Bank Of St. Louis George W. Bush
$2,000 501 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANDREW BAUR
BANKER
SOUTHWEST BANK George W. Bush
$2,000 22 BERKLEY
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JENNIFER BAUR
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 22 BERKLEY
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
PATRICK BEHAN
TRUST OFFICER
BANK OF AMERICA George W. Bush
$2,000 8 LOG CABIN DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
KATHERINE BELL
VICE PRESIDENT & CHIEF MKTG OFFI
EMERSON George W. Bush
$2,000 10 PICARDY LANE
LADUE, MO 63124
DONNA LOCKWOOD BENSON
ATTORNEY
BENSON & GUEST George W. Bush
$2,000 7 WAKEFIELD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
THOMAS L. BENSON
ATTORNEY
BENSON & GUEST, L.L.P. George W. Bush
$2,000 7 WAKEFIELD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
BARBARA MARIE BERACHA
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 5 WARSON HILLS LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
BARRY H. BERACHA
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 5 WARSON HILLS LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MARION BLACK
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 2030 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
VAN-LEAR BLACK
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 2030 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Steven Bloom
Manager
Enterprises George W. Bush
$2,000 1950 Log Cabin Lane
St. Louis, MO 63124
MARY JANE BODINE
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 50 CREEKWOOD LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Mary Elliott Brandin - Driscoll
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 22 Foreway Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
CATHERINE BRAUCH
DIRECTOR INSURANCE
INTERSTATE CLEANING CORPORATION George W. Bush
$2,000 11 APPLE TREE LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN BRAUCH
PRESIDENT
INTERSTATE CLEANING CORPORATION George W. Bush
$2,000 11 APPLE TREE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
A. JOHN BRAUER
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 9247 CLAYTON ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
BLACKFORD F. BRAUER
EXECUTIVE
EMERSON ELECTRIC George W. Bush
$2,000 9630 LADUE RD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Camilla Thompso Brauer
Civic Leader
n/a George W. Bush
$2,000 9630 Ladue Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MARIE C. BRAUER
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 9247 CLAYTON ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
REBECCA R. BRAUER
STUDENT
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 9630 LA DUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Stephen Frankli Brauer
C.E.O./Owner
Hunter Engineering Company George W. Bush
$2,000 9630 Ladue Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Dorothy A. Brennan
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 849 Cella Road
St. Louis, MO 63124
John A. Brennan
Chairman
Brennan Staffing L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 849 Cella Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
DONALD BROUGHTON
ANALYST
A.G. EDWARDS George W. Bush
$2,000 19 CONWAY LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ERLE BROUGHTON
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 19 CONWAY LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MELVIN F. BROWN
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 9034 SEDGWICK Pl DRIVE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
PAMELA BROWN
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 9034 SEDGWICK Pl DRIVE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Barbara M. Bryant
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 2021 S Warson Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Donald L. Bryant
Chairman & C.E.O.
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 2021 S Warson Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
CHARLENE BRY
CONSULTANT
LADUE CONSULTING George W. Bush
$2,000 1 MARYHILL
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JAMES BURST
N/A
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 33 GOUVENOR LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
RUTH BURST
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 3 WARRIDGE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Steven A. Busch
Executive
Anheuser Busch Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 3 Apple Tree Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Patricia R. Bush
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 37 Picardy Ln
Saint Louis, MO 63124
William H. T. Bush
Chairman
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 37 Picardy Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Lorraine S. Cherrick
Attorney
Computer Sales International, In George W. Bush
$2,000 47 Briarcliff
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ROBERT J. CIAPCIAK
STOCKBROKER/PARTNER
EDWARD JONES INVESTMENTS George W. Bush
$2,000 9851 WATERBURY DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Jerry G. Clinton
President/Chairman Of The Board
Grey Eagle Distributors, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Carters Grove
Ladue, MO 63124
F. Crunden Cole
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 911 S Warson Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANDREW J. CONDIE
OWNER
DROEGE FOOD SERVICE COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 35 OVERHILLS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Herbert D. Condie
Consultant
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 4 Lindworth Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Karen Condie
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 4 Lindworth Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
S. Bryan Cook
Banker
First National Bank Of St. Louis George W. Bush
$2,000 7 Upper Dadue Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Carolyn B. Danforth
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 26 Braeburn Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Elizabeth Danforth
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Glenview Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
John C. Danforth
Attorney
Bryan Cave L.L.P. George W. Bush
$2,000 911 Tirrill Farms Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Sally Danforth
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 911 Tirrill Farms Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
William H. Danforth
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Glenview Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JACQUELINE DANIS
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 8 FORDYCE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
IMOTHY DAVIS
MANAGING PARTNER
R.C.P. ADVISORS George W. Bush
$2,000 8 FORDYCE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LINDA DESLOGE
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 39 PICARDY LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
THEODORE P. DESLOGE
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 39 PICARDY LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DAVID DESPAIN
ACCOUNTANT
ERNST AND YOUNG George W. Bush
$2,000 8 ROLLING ROCK LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
PAUL DIEMER
CORPORATE OFFICER
ENTERPRISE RENT-A-CAR George W. Bush
$2,000 38 FAIR OAKS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Charles A. Dill
Venture Capital
Gateway Associates George W. Bush
$2,000 807 S Warson Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MARY M. DILL
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 807 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
RITA EISEMAN
REAL ESTATE MANAGEMENT
MARY R. WOLFE R.E. MGMT. COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 9031 SEDGWICK Pl DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
WILLIAM EISEMAN
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 9031 SEDGWICK Pl DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Howard Elliott
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 46 Clermont Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Susan S. Elliott
Executive
Systems Service Enterprises, Inc George W. Bush
$2,000 46 Clermont Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
SUZANNE ENGELHARDT
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 901 KENT ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
GEORGE H. ERKER
BROKER
SALOMON SMITH BARNEY George W. Bush
$2,000 466 S PRICE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Alyn V. Essman
C. E. O.
C P 1 Corporation George W. Bush
$2,000 21 Somerset Downs
Saint Louis, MO 63124
BETTY FARRELL
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 1220 LOG CABIN LN
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DAVID FARR
C.E.O.
EMERSON ELECTRIC George W. Bush
$2,000 1 FAIR OAKS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LELIA FARR
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 1 FAIR OAKS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Robert E. Flynn
Real Estate
Berry Grant Company George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Wickersham Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
GARTH F. FORT
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 31 BRIARCLIFF
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Gregory A. Fox
Executive
Harbour Group George W. Bush
$2,000 24 Upper Ladue Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Merle Fox
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 24 Upper Ladue Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
CHERYL FROMM
HOMEMAKER/COMMUNITY VOLUNTEER George W. Bush
$2,000 10 DROMARA ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
RONALD FROMM
CORPORATE EXECUTIVE
BROWN SHOE COMPANY, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 10 DROMARA ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CORINNE FUSZ
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 750 KENT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LOUIS FUSZ
AUTO RETAIL
LOU FUSZ AUTOMOTIVE George W. Bush
$2,000 750 KENT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JULIE GAERTNER
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 10 WILD ROSE DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
WALTER GALVIN
C.F.O.
EMERSON ELECTRIC COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 9945 OLD CHATHAM ROAD
LADUE, MO 63124
EDWARD L. GLOTZBACH
C.F.O.
T.P.I., INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 53 CLERMONT LANE
LADUE, MO 63124
JULIE GLOTZBACH
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 53 CLERMONT LANE
LADUE, MO 63124
Alfred E. Goldman
Market Strategist
A.G. Edwards George W. Bush
$2,000 3 Sumac Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
CARROL GOLDRING
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 21 UPPER LANE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LOUIS GOLDRING
PRESIDENT
AVCORP, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 21 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Daniel J. Good
Financial Advisor
C.P.W.M., L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 27 Briarcliff
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Margaret D. Good
Broadcasting & Marketing Directo
Saint Louis Cardinals George W. Bush
$2,000 27 Briarcliff
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JAMES GOULD
EXECUTIVE
MISCO SHAWNEE, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 4 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
RICHARD T. GROTE
CHAIRMAN/INSURANCE
AMERICAN MEDICAL CLAIMS George W. Bush
$2,000 14 PINE VALLEY DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SUZY GROTE
INTERIOR DESIGN
SUZY GROTE, LTD. George W. Bush
$2,000 14 PINE VALLEY DR
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CYNTHIA GRUMNEY
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 2 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
NELSON C. GRUMNEY
REAL ESTATE INVESTMENT & DEVELOP
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 2 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CAROL HAGER
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 11 LORENZO LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
RALPH HAGER
EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT
HAGER COMPANIES George W. Bush
$2,000 11 LORENZO LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SHELIA HAMMOND
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 9948 LITZSINGER ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Frederick O. Hanser
Baseball Executive/Owner
Saint Louis Cardinals, L.P. George W. Bush
$2,000 2 Salem Estates
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Earle Douglas Harbison
President
Harding Partners George W. Bush
$2,000 9858 Litzsinger Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
KEITH HARBISON
PRESIDENT/C.E.O
HARBISON CORPORATION George W. Bush
$2,000 1230 LOG CABIN LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Thomas A. Hays
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 29 Trent Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MARK HEARNE
ATTORNEY
LATHROP & CAGE George W. Bush
$2,000 5 TOWN COUNTRY DRIVE
LA DUE, MO 63124
Robert R. Hermann
President
Hermann Companies, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 777 Cella Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Robert R. Hermann
President/C.E.O.
Hermann Companies, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 30 Foreway Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Kerry L. Holekamp
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Barclay Woods
Saint Louis, MO 63124
William Frederick Holekamp
Investment
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Barclay Woods
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Kerry Hole
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Barclay Woods
St. Louis, MO 63124
William F. Hole
President
Holekamp Capital George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Barclay Woods
St. Louis, MO 63124
Carl R. Holman
Retired
Mallinkrodt, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 3 Lorenzo Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Fielding Lewis Holmes
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 43 Glen Eagles Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
RICHARD HOLTON
CONSULTANT
YARMOUTH, L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 4 SUNNINGDALE DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
George J. Hruza
Physician
Laser & Dermatologic Surgery Cen George W. Bush
$2,000 6 Ames Pl Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Luciann L. Hruza
Physician
Clayton Dermatology George W. Bush
$2,000 6 Ames Pl Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MICHAEL DENNIS HURST
PRESIDENT/C.O.O.
MC CARTHY BUILDING COMPAINES, IN George W. Bush
$2,000 907 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
GIANNA JACOBSON
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 3 DROMARA ROAD
LADUE, MO 63124
SUSAN JOCKETTY
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 27 DEER CREEK WOODS
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
WALTER JOCKETTY
SR. VICE PRESIDENT/GENERAL MANAG
ST. LOUIS CARDINALS George W. Bush
$2,000 27 DEER CREEK WOODS
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Henry O. Johnston
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 4 Town Country Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
SALLY C. JOHNSTON
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 4 TOWN COUNTRY DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CORINNE JONES
INTERIOR DESIGNER
JACQUELINE MARITZ INTERIORS George W. Bush
$2,000 2 HIGH DOWNS LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MEREDITH JONES
STOCKBROKER
MEREDITH C. JONES & COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 2 HIGH DOWNS LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CONSTANCE KAHN
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 12 APPLETREE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
EUGENE S. KAHN
C.E.O.
MAY DEPARTMENT STORES George W. Bush
$2,000 12 APPLETREE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Lee R. Kaplan
Senior Vice President
Enterprise Rent-A-Car George W. Bush
$2,000 10270 Kinsella Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
DAVID W. KEMPER
BANKER
COMMERCE BANK George W. Bush
$2,000 7 WARRIDGE DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN E. KLEIN
PRESIDENT & CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFI
BUNGE NORTH AMERICA George W. Bush
$2,000 15 PINE VALLEY DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SUSAN V. KLEIN
PRESIDENT/C.E.O.
BUNGE NORTH AMERICA, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 15 PINE VALLEY DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Charles F. Knight
Chairman
Emerson Electric George W. Bush
$2,000 24 Foreway Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Joanne P. Knight
Chairman
Emerson Electric George W. Bush
$2,000 24 Foreway Dr
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MARGARET W. KOBUSCH
HOMEMAKER
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 10015 CONWAY ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Alan C. Kohn
Lawyer
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 40 Upper Ladue Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JOANNE KOHN
TEACHER
WEBOTEN UNIVERSITY George W. Bush
$2,000 40 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CAROLE F. KROEGER
ARTIST
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 50 GLEN EAGLES DR
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
HAROLD A. KROEGER
PRESIDENT
HALAK, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 50 GLEN EAGLES DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ANDREA S. LA BARGE
ARTIST AGENT
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 1 FORDYCE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CRAIG E. LA BARGE
C.E.O. & PRESIDENT
LA BARGE, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 1 FORDYCE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LARRY LABRIER
EXECUTIVE
COIN ACCEPTORS INC George W. Bush
$2,000 31 PICCARDY LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
NANCY SUE LABRIER
EXECUTIVE
COIN ACCEPTORS INC George W. Bush
$2,000 31 PICCARDY LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JOAN LANGENBERG
WRITER
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 1 DANIEL ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DONALD LASATER
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 751 CELLA ROAD
LADUE, MO 63124
E. DESMOND LEE
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 36 PICARDY LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN LEMKEMEIER
BUSINESS
CONTEC, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 15 BRIARCLIFF
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LEWIS A. LEVEY
REAL ESTATE DEVELOPER/CONSULTANT
ENHANCED VALUE STRATEGIES, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 7 BARCLAY WOODS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Ann T. Liberman
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 9520 Clayton Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Lee M. Liberman
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 9520 Clayton Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
John P. Mac Carthy
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 6 Robin Hill Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
TALBOT L. MACCARTHY
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 6 ROBIN HILL LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
KEVIN A. MAHER
PRESIDENT
SAINT CHARLES NISSAN, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 27 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Barbara M. Mahoney
Retired
Ret. George W. Bush
$2,000 28 Upper Ladue Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Richard J. Mahoney
Retired
Ret. George W. Bush
$2,000 28 Upper Ladue Rd
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Jeanne Maritz
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Sunningdale Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
William S. Maritz
Executive
Maritz, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Sunningdale Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
GEORGIA MARTIN
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 750 CELLA ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Paul E. Martin
Investment Banking
A. G. Edwards & Sons, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 750 Cella Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Theodore R.P. Martin
Chairman Emeritus
Colliers, Turley, Martin & Tucke George W. Bush
$2,000 782 Kent Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANNE S. MC ALPIN
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 2 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CHARLES N. MC ALPIN
BROKER
SMITH BARNEY George W. Bush
$2,000 2 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
COLLEEN MC CMILLAN
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 1 SHERATON DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Elizabeth H. Mc Donnell
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 40 Glen Eagles Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
James S. Mc Donnell
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 40 Glen Eagles Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Gene Mc Nary
Lawyer
Paule, Camazine Et Al George W. Bush
$2,000 3 Watch Hill
Saint Louis, MO 63124
SUSAN MC NARY
LAWYER
PAULE, CAMAZINE ET AL George W. Bush
$2,000 3 WATCH HILL
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
J
ohn Mc Pleeters
Farmer
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 700 Scott Price Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
BILL MILLER
EXECUTIVE
PREMIER RENTALS George W. Bush
$2,000 49 TRENT DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
KIMBERLY VENETTE MILLER
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 49 TRENT DRIVE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
MARY MILLSAP
TRUST OFFICER
JEFFERSON BANK & TRUST George W. Bush
$2,000 1240 LAY ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JAMES JOSEPH MURPHY
CONSTRUCTION EXECUTIVE
MURPHY COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 1715 KENMONT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MARY MURPHY
ATTORNEY
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 1715 KENMONT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
NANCY MURPHY
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 9851 LITZSINGER ROASD
LADUE, MO 63124
RICHARD MURPHY
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
MERRILL LYNCH George W. Bush
$2,000 9851 LITZSINGER ROAD
LADUE, MO 63124
SUSAN M. MURRAY
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 565 BARNES ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JAMES MYER
BROKER
AON RISK SERVICES George W. Bush
$2,000 5 LADUE ACRES
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Gayla Narike
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Warson Hills
St. Louis, MO 63124
CHANDRA NIEMANN
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 9 GLEN CREEK LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
THOMAS NIEMANN
ATTORNEY
REINERT & ROURKE George W. Bush
$2,000 9 GLEN CREEK LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
EDWIN NOEL
ATTORNEY
ARMSTRONG TEASDALE, L.L.P. George W. Bush
$2,000 301 S MC KNIGHT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
James V. O'Donnell
Investments
Bush O' Donnell & Company George W. Bush
$2,000 47 Clermont Ln
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Kathy G. O'Donnell
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 47 Clermont Ln
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Linda W. O'Hara
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 9 Fordyce Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
RAYMOND PETERS
BANKER
MIDWEST BANKCENTRE George W. Bush
$2,000 2 FORDYCE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SONDRA J. PETERS
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 28 CONWAY CLOSE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Sondra J. Peters
Homemaker
None George W. Bush
$2,000 28 Conway Close Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JACK POHRER
EXECUTIVE
SAINT LOUIS PARKING COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 15 OVERBROOK DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
FAIRFAX POLLNOW
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 7 WARSON HILLS
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Marguerite Potter
Community Volunteer
self-employed George W. Bush
$2,000 958 Tirill Farms Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Tom Randolph Potter
Investment Company
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 958 Tirill Farms Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
BENJAMIN RASSIEUR
CORPORATE EXECUTIVE
PAULO PRODUCTS COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 32 OAKLEIGH LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Nicholas L. Reding
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 10045 Litzsinger Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
NICHOLAS REDING
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 10045 LITZSINGER ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
PATRICIA REDING
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 10045 LITZSINGER ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DAVID RICHARDSON
REAL ESTATE
RICHARDSON HOLDINGS COMPANY, L.L George W. Bush
$2,000 7 BRIARCLIFF
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SUZANNE RICHARDSON
SENIOR FELLOW
WINSTON CHURCHILL MEMORIAL George W. Bush
$2,000 7 BRIARCLIFF
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
BARBARA ROBERTS
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 626 N PRICE ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN R. ROBERTS
CONSULTANT/DIRECTOR
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 626 N PRICE ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
MARYANN ROBER
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 14 BLAYTONN LANE
LADUE, MO 63124
M. Weldon Rogers
Corporate Officer
Enterprise Rent-A-Car George W. Bush
$2,000 16 Greenbriar
Saint Louis, MO 63124
MARY RUMY
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 24 TWIN SPRINGS LN
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ZSOLT RUMY
PRESIDENT & C.E.O.
ZOLTTEK CORPORATION George W. Bush
$2,000 24 TWIN SPRINGS LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Edward F. Ryan
Executive
EFR, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Fair Oaks Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Almira Baldwin Sant
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 9 Ridgewood Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JOHN T. SANT
LAWYER
BRYAN CAVE, L.L.P. George W. Bush
$2,000 9 RIDGEWOOD ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ANDREA POWERS SCHANKMAN
PRESIDENT/PARTNER
CROWS INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 23 FORDYCE LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
STEVEN F. SCHANKMAN
PRESIDENT
CONTEMPORARY PRODUCTIONS George W. Bush
$2,000 23 FORDYCE LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
ROBERT SCHARFF
CONSULTANT
THE TODD ORGANIZATION George W. Bush
$2,000 3 EDGEWOOD ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JULIA SCHNUCK
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 15 UPPER LA DUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JULIE SCHNUCK
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 9752 LIDZSINGER ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SALLY SCHNUCK
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 8956 MOYDALGAN ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SCOTT SCHNUCK
EXECUTIVE/OWNER
SCHNUCK MARKETS, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 15 UPPER LA DUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
TERRY SCHNUCK
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 8956 MOYDALGAN ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Todd R. Schnuck
Executive
Schnuck Markets, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 9752 Litzsinger Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Mary Ann Shanahan
retired George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Trent Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Michael F. Shanahan
Chairman
Engineered Support Systems, Inc. George W. Bush
$2,000 10 Trent Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANNE SHAPLEIGH
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 440 S PRICE RD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN SHAPLEIGH
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 440 S PRICE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
David S. Sherman
Chairman
Self-Employed George W. Bush
$2,000 919 Tirrill Farms Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
John O. Shields
Chairman & C.E.O.
Schaeffer Manufacturing Company George W. Bush
$2,000 5 Wood Acre Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JOSEPH SIVEWRIGHT
V.P., GLOBAL STRATEGIC BUSINESS
NESTLE PURINA George W. Bush
$2,000 54 BRIARCLIFF
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
SUSAN SIVEWRIGHT
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 54 BRIARCLIFF
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Todd B. Siwak
Manufacturing
T.R.G. Accessories George W. Bush
$2,000 3 Dromara Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANDREW SMITH
MANAGER
FAIR OAKS INVESTMENTS, L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 25 FAIR OAKS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
BARBARA SMITH
STUDENT
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 25 FAIR OAKS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
KEVIN SMITH
STUDENT George W. Bush
$2,000 25 FAIR OAKS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MARGARET SMITH
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 25 FAIR OAKS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Edith J. Spink
Housewife
None George W. Bush
$2,000 9 Log Cabin Drive
Saint Louis, MO 63124
C.A.B. SPOENEMAN
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 42 MAGNOLIA
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
Walter G. Stern
Insurance Broker
W.G. Stern and Company George W. Bush
$2,000 37 Briarcliff
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Mary Stillman
Professor
washington university George W. Bush
$2,000 37 Glen Eagles Drive
St. Louis, MO 63124
Thomas H. Stillman
Chairman/Owner
Summit Distributing George W. Bush
$2,000 37 Glen Eagles Drive
St. Louis, MO 63124
KAREN LEE STIVERS
PRIVATE INVESTOR
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 2 WAKEFIELD DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JOHN STUPP
OWNER
STUPP BROTHERS, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 18 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Andrew C. Taylor
Chairman & C.E.O.
Enterprise Rent -A- Car George W. Bush
$2,000 1147 Log Cabin Lane
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Barbara B. Taylor
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 1147 Log Cabin Ln
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Jack C. Taylor
Founder
Enterprise Rent -A- Car George W. Bush
$2,000 35 Hunter Ave
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Paul M. Taylor
General Manager
Enterprise Rent-A-Car George W. Bush
$2,000 250 N Price Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Susan O. Taylor
retired George W. Bush
$2,000 35 Hunter Ave
Saint Louis, MO 63124
JEFFREY THOMASSON
PHYSICIAN
WEST COUNTY RADIOLOGICAL GROUP George W. Bush
$2,000 3 BROOKSIDE LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DEBBIE THOMAS
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 14 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ELIZABETH OSBORN THOMAS
ADMINISTRATION
SOTHERBY AUCTION George W. Bush
$2,000 14 UPPER LADUE ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
JACK E. THOMAS
PRESIDENT & C.E.O.
COIN ACCEPTORS George W. Bush
$2,000 14 UPPER LADUE ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
LAUREN THOMAS
N/A
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 14 UPPER LADUE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
LEONARD THOMLISON
N/A
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 803 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
MARYE THOMLISON
N/A
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 803 S WARSON ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JOSEPH TOUHILL
RETIRED George W. Bush
$2,000 54 GODWIN LANE
ST LOUIS, MO 63124
ROBERT J. TRULASKE
EXECUTIVE
TRUE MANUFACTURING COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 19 CLERMONT LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SARAH HAGER TRULASKE
VIDEO PRODUCER
VIDEO MEMOIRS George W. Bush
$2,000 19 CLERMONT LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
M. Van Lokeren
Executive
Krey District George W. Bush
$2,000 41 Glen Eagles
St. Louis, MO 63124
SANDRA VAN TREASE
C.E.O./UNICARE
WELLPOINT/UNICARE George W. Bush
$2,000 1721 KENMONT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
VIRGIL VAN TREASE
FINANCIAL CONSULTANT
MORGAN STANLEY George W. Bush
$2,000 1721 KENMONT ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
KAREN WALCOTT
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 1200 LAY ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ROGER WALCOTT
EXECUTIVE
PEABODY ENERGY George W. Bush
$2,000 1200 LAY ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Melissa G. Walsh
Aerobics Instructor
Bally's Fitness George W. Bush
$2,000 15 Dromara Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
ANNE WATT
VOLUNTEER
CHILDREN'S HOSPITAL George W. Bush
$2,000 15 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ROBERT WATT
EXECUTIVE
NESTLE PURINA PET CARE George W. Bush
$2,000 15 SAINT ANDREWS DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
DAVID JAMES WEBSTER
VICE PRESIDENT
VIASYSTEMS GROUP, INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 10 DEER CREEK WOODS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Helen Wetterau
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 4 Barclay Woods
Saint Louis, MO 63124
Ted C. Wetterau
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 4 Barclay Woods
Saint Louis, MO 63124
LYNN WHALEY
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E
INFORMATION REQUESTED PER BEST E George W. Bush
$2,000 1717 MILBORO
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
ORRIN S. WIGHTMAN
INVESTMENT MANAGEMENT
BUSH-O'DONNELL & COMPANY George W. Bush
$2,000 32 GLEN EAGLES DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Evelyn N. Williams
Homemaker George W. Bush
$2,000 701 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
FELIX WILLIAMS
BUSINESS OWNER
THE SCREEING ROOM, L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 6 INDIAN HILL
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
K. MICHELLE WILLIAMS
NONE George W. Bush
$2,000 3 SHERATON DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
SUSAN S. WILLIAMS
BUSINESS OWNER
THE SCREENING ROOM, L.L.C. George W. Bush
$2,000 6 INDIAN HILL
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
W. GRANT WILLIAMS
EXECUTIVE
KNIGHT'S DIRECT George W. Bush
$2,000 3 SHERATON DRIVE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Eugene F. William
Retired George W. Bush
$2,000 701 Barnes Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
PATRICIA WITHERS
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 6 SOMERSET DOWNS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CAROLYNN WOLFF
PEDIATRIC DENTIST
SELF-EMPLOYED George W. Bush
$2,000 45 FAIR OAKS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
JONATHAN S. WOLFF
STUDENT
N/A George W. Bush
$2,000 45 FAIR OAKS
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CAROLINE ZAEGEL
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$2,000 11 PICARDY LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
FREDERICK ZAEGEL
PRESIDENT
REPCO GRAPHICS INC. George W. Bush
$2,000 11 PICARDY LANE
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
PAUL VOGEL
PRESIDENT OF TRUST DIVISION
ENTERPRISE BANK George W. Bush
$1,750 9881 COPPER HILL ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
IRL ENGELHARDT
CHAIRMAN/C.E.O.
PEABODY ENERGY George W. Bush
$1,503 901 KENT ROAD
ST. LOUIS, MO 63124
CAROL M. HATFIELD
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$1,500 942 TIRRILL FARMS ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
PAUL H. HATFIELD
RETIRED George W. Bush
$1,500 942 TIRRILL FARMS ROAD
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
CLINTON W. LANE
BUSINESS OWNER
FORM SYSTEMS, INC. George W. Bush
$1,500 4 OAKLEIGH LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
GLENDA SELDIN
HOMEMAKER George W. Bush
$1,500 5 SUMAC LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
J
AMES A. SELDIN
EXECUTIVE
MISS ELAINE, INC. George W. Bush
$1,500 5 SUMAC LANE
SAINT LOUIS, MO 63124
Derick L. Driemeyer
Retired George W. Bush
$1,100 524 High Hampton Road
Saint Louis, MO 63124
RUMSEY EWING
RETIRED
Inhofe's Contributors
Sen. James Inhofe (R-Okla.) may yet repopularize I'm Proud to be an Okie from Muskogee, Merle Haggard's ode to redneck jingoism during the Vietnam War era.
To see where Inhofe gets all his money check out his file atOpen Secrets.
To see where Inhofe gets all his money check out his file atOpen Secrets.
New Abuse Images from Abu Ghraib; Detainees Recount Torture
Today's Washington Post has published more photographs of the prisoner abuse scandal and interviews with the detainees. The prisoner accounts say that abuse by guards at the Abu Ghraib prison included sodomy and rape. AChicago Tribune story details an American account of abuse at the prison, including torturing an older detainee's son to get him to talk.
Hard-Boiled Scabs in the Last Best Place
Media Mayhem's Weekend Literary Supplement
Hard-boiled detective novelist Dashiell Hammett is more well known for the Maltese Falcon and The Thin Man set in California. In Red Harvest, he explores the corrupt Montana mining town of Personville, a thinly veiled fictional version of Butte, a city which now has the dubious distinction of having the country's largest EPA Superfund clean up site.
From Red Harvest by Dashiell Hammett, 1929:
"...For forty years old Elihu Willsson -- father of the man who had been killed this night -- had owned Personville, heart, soul, skin and guts. He was the president and majority stockholder of the Personville Mining Corporation, ditto the First National Bank, owner of the Morning Herald and Evening Herald, the city's only newspapers, and at least part owner of nearly every other enterprise of any importance. Along with these pieces of property he owned a United States senator, a couple of representatives, the governor, the mayor, and most of the state legislature. Eilhu Willsson was Personville, and he was almost the whole state.
Back in the war days the I.W.W. -- in full bloom then throughout the West -- had lined up the Personville Mining Corporation's hlep. The help handn't been exactly pampered. They used their new strength to demand the things they wanted. Old Elihu gave them what he had to give them, and bided his time.
In 1921 it came. Business was rotten. Ole Elihu didn't care whether he shut down for a while or not. He tore up the agreements he had made with his men and began kicking them back into their pre-war circumstances.
Of course the help yelled for help. Bill Quint was sent out from I.W.W. headquarters in Chicago to give them some action. He was against a strike, an open walk-out. He advised the old sabotage racket, staying on the job and gumming things up from the inside. But that wasn't active enough for the Personville crew. They wanted to put themselves on the map, make labor history.
They struck.
The strike lasted eight months. Both sides bled plenty. The wobblies had to do their own bleeding. Ol Elihu hired gunmen., strike-breakers, national guardsmen and even parts of the regular army, to do this. When the last skull had been cracked, the last rib kicked in, organized labor in Personville was a used firecracker.
But, said Bill Quint, old Elihu didn't know his Italian history. He won the strike, but he lost his hold on the city and the state. To beat the miners he had to let his hired thugs run wild. When the fight was over he couldn't get rid of them. He had given his city to them and he wasn't strong enough to take it away from them. Personvilled looked good to them and they took it over. They had won his strike for him and they took the city as their spoils. He couldn't openly break with them. They had too much on him. He was respsonsible for all they had done during the strike. ..."
Hard-boiled detective novelist Dashiell Hammett is more well known for the Maltese Falcon and The Thin Man set in California. In Red Harvest, he explores the corrupt Montana mining town of Personville, a thinly veiled fictional version of Butte, a city which now has the dubious distinction of having the country's largest EPA Superfund clean up site.
From Red Harvest by Dashiell Hammett, 1929:
"...For forty years old Elihu Willsson -- father of the man who had been killed this night -- had owned Personville, heart, soul, skin and guts. He was the president and majority stockholder of the Personville Mining Corporation, ditto the First National Bank, owner of the Morning Herald and Evening Herald, the city's only newspapers, and at least part owner of nearly every other enterprise of any importance. Along with these pieces of property he owned a United States senator, a couple of representatives, the governor, the mayor, and most of the state legislature. Eilhu Willsson was Personville, and he was almost the whole state.
Back in the war days the I.W.W. -- in full bloom then throughout the West -- had lined up the Personville Mining Corporation's hlep. The help handn't been exactly pampered. They used their new strength to demand the things they wanted. Old Elihu gave them what he had to give them, and bided his time.
In 1921 it came. Business was rotten. Ole Elihu didn't care whether he shut down for a while or not. He tore up the agreements he had made with his men and began kicking them back into their pre-war circumstances.
Of course the help yelled for help. Bill Quint was sent out from I.W.W. headquarters in Chicago to give them some action. He was against a strike, an open walk-out. He advised the old sabotage racket, staying on the job and gumming things up from the inside. But that wasn't active enough for the Personville crew. They wanted to put themselves on the map, make labor history.
They struck.
The strike lasted eight months. Both sides bled plenty. The wobblies had to do their own bleeding. Ol Elihu hired gunmen., strike-breakers, national guardsmen and even parts of the regular army, to do this. When the last skull had been cracked, the last rib kicked in, organized labor in Personville was a used firecracker.
But, said Bill Quint, old Elihu didn't know his Italian history. He won the strike, but he lost his hold on the city and the state. To beat the miners he had to let his hired thugs run wild. When the fight was over he couldn't get rid of them. He had given his city to them and he wasn't strong enough to take it away from them. Personvilled looked good to them and they took it over. They had won his strike for him and they took the city as their spoils. He couldn't openly break with them. They had too much on him. He was respsonsible for all they had done during the strike. ..."
Thursday, May 20, 2004
Oil for Food Scam
Ahmad Chalabi, the Iraqi National Congress leader who has fallen out of favor with the Pentagon, now claims that the raid on his home and headquarters is partially due to his knowledge of the oil for food scandal.
The United Nations Oil for Food Program was established in the 1990s to lessen the impact of sanctions on Iraq after the first Gulf war. Under the program, the Iraqi State Oil Marketing Organization let contracts with oil companies and the U.N. collected the money, which was all supposed to go for food for the Iraqi people.
But Saddam Hussein's regime started charging a per-barrel surcharge in 1999, which was essentially a kickback paid by the oil purchasers. The United States Government Accounting Office estimates that Hussein collected approximately $10 billion from the 270 companies that took part in the kickback scheme, including a company tied to U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Anan's son.
The kickbacks were allegedly deposited in the Jordan National Bank. Besides the GAO, the Coalition Provisional Authority under the leadership of L. Paul Bremer has also investigated the matter.
Former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volker is currently heading up the U.N. inquiry into the Oil for Food scandal.
The question that's yet to be answered: Since the fall of Saddam's regime and his capture late last year, what's happened to billions of dollars of his ill-gotten gains? [read the Toronto Globe and Mail story on the Oil for Food scandal]
The United Nations Oil for Food Program was established in the 1990s to lessen the impact of sanctions on Iraq after the first Gulf war. Under the program, the Iraqi State Oil Marketing Organization let contracts with oil companies and the U.N. collected the money, which was all supposed to go for food for the Iraqi people.
But Saddam Hussein's regime started charging a per-barrel surcharge in 1999, which was essentially a kickback paid by the oil purchasers. The United States Government Accounting Office estimates that Hussein collected approximately $10 billion from the 270 companies that took part in the kickback scheme, including a company tied to U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Anan's son.
The kickbacks were allegedly deposited in the Jordan National Bank. Besides the GAO, the Coalition Provisional Authority under the leadership of L. Paul Bremer has also investigated the matter.
Former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volker is currently heading up the U.N. inquiry into the Oil for Food scandal.
The question that's yet to be answered: Since the fall of Saddam's regime and his capture late last year, what's happened to billions of dollars of his ill-gotten gains? [read the Toronto Globe and Mail story on the Oil for Food scandal]
ABC TV Airs New Abu Ghraib Photos; Murder by CIA Being Invesitgated
ABC TV News aired two new photographs related to the Abu Ghraib scandal yesterday. The photos show Spc. Charles Graner and Spc. Sabrina Harman posing over the body of a death Iraqi prisoner who is packed in ice.
ABC identified the prisoner as Manadel al-Jamadi. Citing a source who worked at the prison, the network news operation reported that the deceased man died after being beaten in a shower by CIA and military interrogators.
The CIA has referred the case to the U.S. Justice Department, which currently is investigating the death as a possible homicide.
In the photos, Graner and Harman are smiling and giving the thumbs up beside the bruised corpse. [see the pictures]
ABC identified the prisoner as Manadel al-Jamadi. Citing a source who worked at the prison, the network news operation reported that the deceased man died after being beaten in a shower by CIA and military interrogators.
The CIA has referred the case to the U.S. Justice Department, which currently is investigating the death as a possible homicide.
In the photos, Graner and Harman are smiling and giving the thumbs up beside the bruised corpse. [see the pictures]
Reuters Reporters Allege Abuse
Following the shooting down of a U.S. helicopter west of Fullujah on Jan. 2, three Iraqi nationals working for Reuters News Agency and one employed by NBC television news were taken into custody by members of the U.S. Army 82nd Airborne Division. The detainees alleged various abusive treatment by their captives, while they were held for interrogation. On Wednesday, a military inquiry absolved all soldiers involved in the alleged abuse. The Raleigh News & Observer published the executive summary of the Army's investigation today. "Our investigation found no abuse of any kind," said Maj. Jimmie Cummings, a spokesman for the 82nd Airborne. This case is close.
The executive summary dismisses as false claims by the Reuters employees, including allegations that they were beaten, had shoes shoved into their mouths and were told to stick their fingers in their anuses and then lick or smell them.
The Army admits that the detainees were subjected to "sleep management, hooded, cuffed and subjected to a body cavity strip search. They were released after 60 hours of interrogation.
Reuters, however, is still backing the version of events told by its employees. A Reuter's internal chronology of events surrounding the case was obtained by Editor & Publisher magazine:
Jan. 2: First indication of detentions of three Iraqis working for Reuters and an Iraqi working for NBC in Falluja following the shooting down of a U.S. helicopter. Military spokesman Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmitt tells a Baghdad news briefing that "enemy personnel" posing as journalists had fired on U.S. forces and had later been detained. Baghdad bureau informs 82nd Airborne and other military personnel of identity and status of the detainees within first hours of their detentions.
Jan. 3-4: Baghdad Bureau Chief Andrew Marshall working with [Combined Joint Task Force] and [Coalition Provisional Authority] officials in Baghdad and 82nd in Falluja/Ramadi to try to secure employees' release.
Marshall and Baghdad office manager Khaled al-Ramahi travel to [Forward Operating Base]Volturno near Falluja but are not allowed inside and not allowed to see the detainees. Captain Ryan Deruoin tells Marshall outside the base that the detainees are well and are being properly treated.
Jan. 4: Marshall and NBC Bureau Chief Karl Bostic meet Kimmitt in Baghdad to seek releases. Kimmitt said the detainees would be released the following day.
Jan. 5: Marshall provides 82nd Airborne, at its request, with footage shot in Falluja on 2 Jan by Salem Ureibi. Footage is of worshippers in Falluja at Friday prayers at a mosque and demonstrates that there is no basis for U.S. assertion that Ureibi and others were seen in the area where the helicopter was shot down.
Jan. 5: Washington Bureau Chief Rob Doherty, Reuters Global Managing Editor David Schlesinger and Reuters Americas Television Editor John Clarke meet with [Chief Pentagon spokesman Lawrence] Di Rita and [Pentagon spokesman Bryan] Whitman at Pentagon. Detainees released shortly before meeting. Reuters party says it is seeking retraction of Kimmitt statement alleging "enemy personnel" posing as journalists fired on US forces.
Jan. 5: Reuters runs first story on the detainees.
Jan. 6: Reuters seeks clarification at a Baghdad press briefing on the statement about "enemy personnel posing as media."
Maj. Gen. Charles Swannack, [Commanding Officer] of 82nd Airborne, tells reporters in Baghdad the detainees had probably been in the wrong place at the wrong time and says there is no credible evidence they were involved in wrongdoing.
Jan. 8: Marshall obtains disturbing taped testimony from released three detainees detailing specifics of physical and emotional abuse. Schlesinger and Doherty meet Di Rita and Whitman again in order to detail abuse verbally and express Reuters concerns.
Jan. 9: Formal letter of complaint from Schlesinger to Gen. [Ricardo] Sanchez (copied to Paul Bremer) urging a full investigation, seeking retraction of the statement on "enemy personnel posing as media" and offering full assistance to the military to facilitate an investigation. Letter also raises Jan. 6 remarks by Kimmitt to Marshall and protests them.
Jan. 12: Reuters receives a response to its Jan. 9 letter from HQ 82nd Airborne, Ramadi, signed by Staff Judge Advocate Lt. Col. Thomas Ayres advising that Swannack has ordered a division-level investigation of the allegations by a field-grade officer. "In our view, evidence still exists for the U.S. to reasonably suspect these three individuals of involvement in the downing of the U.S. helicopter on January 2, 2004," the letter states, adding the three remain under investigation. The letter contains a request to Reuters to hand over all documents in its possession related to the incident, as well as employment records or contracts of the three. It is accompanied by a list of 25 questions to answer, relating to the three, their background, relationship with Reuters, work practices and "any indication at all of their leaning/feelings about the Coalition".
Jan. 16 Jan: Schlesinger responds to Lt. Col. Ayres. The 42-page reply answers the 25 questions, appends the Reuters Trust Principles and medical reports and provides full transcripts of the taped testimony of the three. It also offers to make available copies of the tapes of the testimony, video footage, cameras and other equipment. Letter says Reuters agrees that the military may conduct further interviews with the three, as well as question Reuters driver Alaa Noury, who witnessed the events, in the presence of Marshall.
Jan. 16: [Another] Reuters story about detainees and abuse.
Jan. 16: U.S. military press office in Baghdad releases statement announcing that Sanchez has ordered a criminal investigation into reported incidents of detainee abuse at an undisclosed Coalition detention facility in Iraq (the first word of events that would later be exposed at Abu Ghraib).
Jan. 23: Reuters outside counsel Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering writes to William (Jim) Haynes, [Department of Defense] General Counsel, about the Falluja abuse and suggesting that he may wish to take up the matter with Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz as "an institutional imperative".
Jan. 27 Schlesinger writes to Di Rita, copied to Sanchez and Bremer, noting it has been over three weeks since the detentions. Letter repeats call for a retraction or correction of the "enemy personnel" statement and for a full investigation into the treatment of the detainees, with all the evidence to be made available to Reuters. The letter states: "It has become clear that the military either does not yet appreciate the significance of the matters we have raised or -- even worse -- fully understands their seriousness but is deliberately attempting to downplay them or ignore them."
Jan. 27: Reuters issues a press release and story on the letter and the news agency's concerns at the apparent lack of action.
Jan. 29: Marshall in Baghdad receives an e-mail from 82nd [Public Affairs Officer] Cpt. Tammy Galloway containing an unclassified executive summary of the military investigation and its results. Galloway then again contacts by e-mail Marshall asking to "recall" the document. In subsequent e-mail exchanges, she advises first that the document was sent in error, then states that it was sent prematurely. She then says it is not intended for public use.
Simultaneously, Sanchez tells a news conference in Baghdad in response to questions from a Reuters reporter that the investigation should be completed within a week and "is right on the verge of being released".
Jan. 29: Schlesinger writes to Di Rita about receipt of the executive summary and requesting an urgent telephone conversation to ascertain whether the executive summary is the final word. Letter states, among other criticisms of the investigation, that the military's failure to interview the staff detained raises questions about its seriousness and credibility.
Feb. 3: Schlesinger receives a fax ... from Whitman ... The Whitman fax says the Pentagon takes the matter seriously, is "looking into each of your requests" and will respond shortly. Around the same time, Kimmitt tells a Reuters reporter at a news briefing in Baghdad that "most of the conclusions" of the investigation have already come out in the executive summary. Schlesinger again contacts Whitman by e-mail asking how the two assertions can be reconciled and follows up with a message to Whitman's Blackberry seeking an urgent conversation and advising that Reuters intends to go public with its concerns.
Feb. 3: In light of Kimmitt's comments, Schlesinger sends a letter to Di Rita, copied to Bremer, Sanchez, Haynes and Whitman about Reuters concerns with the investigation and advising that Reuters intends to issue a press statement about those concerns. The letter describes the investigation as "woefully inadequate" and criticizes gratuitous speculative conclusions in the summary that two of the detainees may have purposefully exaggerated their allegations for anti-coalition purposes. It repeats earlier criticisms of its conduct and demands a reopening of the investigation in a more thorough and objective manner at senior levels in the DoD.
The letter also states: "Moreover, many of the allegations are startlingly similar to allegations made by detainees at other U.S.-controlled facilities, and there is no indication that our staff were aware of these reports."
Feb. 3: Whitman calls Schlesinger soon after the Reuters story runs. According to Schlesinger's, note, Whitman says he has contacted Kimmitt, who advised him that while the executive summary contained "conclusions" the investigation had not been completed and the outcome needed to be vetted by the chain of command. Schlesinger quotes Whitman as telling him that "Mr. Di Rita, Larry, is very adamant to getting to the bottom of this ... Those are appalling allegations that we take very seriously." Whitman adds: "Regardless of what has been provided you to date, we don't consider this a closed matter by any means."
Feb 20: Marshall receives e-mail from Major Harper of the 82nd Airborne with the same executive summary sent to him "prematurely" on Jan. 29. Harper characterizes the attachment as the "final executive summary," implying the 82nd considers the investigation closed.
Feb. 20: Schlesinger speaks with Whitman about the Harper e-mail and the Dana report. On Falluja, Schlesinger minutes Whitman as telling him off the record: "This does not sufficiently address the issues you have raised and we know that." Schlesinger quotes Whitman as saying Sanchez himself is involved in the issue now and he and Sanchez have discussed it. Whitman said the e-mail represented the fact that the 82nd has finished its work, but now Sanchez was looking into the issue. "I'm confident this will work faster than your other issues," Whitman said.
Feb. 23: U.S. Army announces that 17 military personnel have been suspended pending investigations into reports of the mistreatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib. Reuters story also refers to investigations into the treatment of the Falluja detainees.
March 11: Reuters CEO Tom Glocer and Schlesinger visit Pentagon to meet Di Rita and Whitman ... Schlesinger minutes quote Di Rita as saying that the Sanchez investigation into Falluja is "nearly complete". (Note this is SIX days after the date on the letter we ultimately received from Sanchez declaring the matter closed.)
March 20: Kimmitt announces that six soldiers have been charged with offences stemming from the alleged abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib. "The coalition takes all reports of detainee abuse seriously and all allegations of mistreatment are investigated. We are committed to treating all persons under coalition control with dignity, respect and humanity," Kimmit says. Reuters story makes reference to the Falluja detainees.
April 28: CBS "60 Minutes II" airs graphic photographs of prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib, triggering widespread international condemnation and a crisis in the U.S. military.
May 2: Schlesinger resends his Feb. 3 letter to Di Rita. In a cover e-mail, Schlesinger states: "In light of the recent reports and pictures detailing the conditions for some prisoners held by the U.S. military in Abu Ghraib, I think it is imperative that our staffs' complaints, which were independent of and predate the current public reports, be reviewed thoroughly, objectively and with a new view towards their veracity."
May 12: Marshall advises the Reuters Iraq Security Group in an e-mail of his view that Reuters should consider another statement and story if the May 2 e-mail/letter to Di Rita fails to elicit a response. He advises that the Reuters detainees may want to go public.
May 14: Doherty speaks by telephone to Whitman to press for a report on the detentions and a response to Schlesinger's May 2 e-mail/letter. Whitman tells Doherty that he had been advised by CJTF-7 that a response from Sanchez had been sent to Reuters several weeks earlier. Doherty again advises Whitman that no correspondence has been received. Whitman says he has requested a copy of the Sanchez letter and is awaiting it.
May 17: Marshall e-mails [Political and General News Editor Paul] Holmes and [Middle East and Africa Editor Barry] Moody informing them that the Reuters detainees are now prepared to go public with specific details of the abuse and requesting advice on how to proceed. Holmes and Moody advise they support issuing a story on news grounds.
May 17: Whitman e-mails [Washington Bureau Chief Rob] Doherty a copy of the Sanchez letter, dated March 5. The Sanchez letter, addressed to Schlesinger, states that the general is confident the investigation was thorough and objective and that its conclusions, clearing military personnel of any wrongful conduct, was sound. Iraq Security Group decides to go ahead with story detailing the abuse.
May 18: Reuters issues story, bylined Andrew Marshall in Baghdad, detailing the abuse. An [update] to the story quotes Di Rita as saying: "The commander in Iraq reviewed the investigation in this matter and was persuaded that it was thorough and appropriate. Should there be new information provided sufficient to cause reconsideration of these particular allegations, such information would be reviewed and acted upon as appropriate."
May 19: Reuters issues story, bylined Vicki Allen in Washington, detailing General Sanchez's defense of the investigation. He tells reporters: "My belief is that the investigations that were conducted as a result of those allegations were thorough and the decisions were made at that time." Sanchez spoke to reporters after testifying before the Senate Armed Services Committee.
The executive summary dismisses as false claims by the Reuters employees, including allegations that they were beaten, had shoes shoved into their mouths and were told to stick their fingers in their anuses and then lick or smell them.
The Army admits that the detainees were subjected to "sleep management, hooded, cuffed and subjected to a body cavity strip search. They were released after 60 hours of interrogation.
Reuters, however, is still backing the version of events told by its employees. A Reuter's internal chronology of events surrounding the case was obtained by Editor & Publisher magazine:
Jan. 2: First indication of detentions of three Iraqis working for Reuters and an Iraqi working for NBC in Falluja following the shooting down of a U.S. helicopter. Military spokesman Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmitt tells a Baghdad news briefing that "enemy personnel" posing as journalists had fired on U.S. forces and had later been detained. Baghdad bureau informs 82nd Airborne and other military personnel of identity and status of the detainees within first hours of their detentions.
Jan. 3-4: Baghdad Bureau Chief Andrew Marshall working with [Combined Joint Task Force] and [Coalition Provisional Authority] officials in Baghdad and 82nd in Falluja/Ramadi to try to secure employees' release.
Marshall and Baghdad office manager Khaled al-Ramahi travel to [Forward Operating Base]Volturno near Falluja but are not allowed inside and not allowed to see the detainees. Captain Ryan Deruoin tells Marshall outside the base that the detainees are well and are being properly treated.
Jan. 4: Marshall and NBC Bureau Chief Karl Bostic meet Kimmitt in Baghdad to seek releases. Kimmitt said the detainees would be released the following day.
Jan. 5: Marshall provides 82nd Airborne, at its request, with footage shot in Falluja on 2 Jan by Salem Ureibi. Footage is of worshippers in Falluja at Friday prayers at a mosque and demonstrates that there is no basis for U.S. assertion that Ureibi and others were seen in the area where the helicopter was shot down.
Jan. 5: Washington Bureau Chief Rob Doherty, Reuters Global Managing Editor David Schlesinger and Reuters Americas Television Editor John Clarke meet with [Chief Pentagon spokesman Lawrence] Di Rita and [Pentagon spokesman Bryan] Whitman at Pentagon. Detainees released shortly before meeting. Reuters party says it is seeking retraction of Kimmitt statement alleging "enemy personnel" posing as journalists fired on US forces.
Jan. 5: Reuters runs first story on the detainees.
Jan. 6: Reuters seeks clarification at a Baghdad press briefing on the statement about "enemy personnel posing as media."
Maj. Gen. Charles Swannack, [Commanding Officer] of 82nd Airborne, tells reporters in Baghdad the detainees had probably been in the wrong place at the wrong time and says there is no credible evidence they were involved in wrongdoing.
Jan. 8: Marshall obtains disturbing taped testimony from released three detainees detailing specifics of physical and emotional abuse. Schlesinger and Doherty meet Di Rita and Whitman again in order to detail abuse verbally and express Reuters concerns.
Jan. 9: Formal letter of complaint from Schlesinger to Gen. [Ricardo] Sanchez (copied to Paul Bremer) urging a full investigation, seeking retraction of the statement on "enemy personnel posing as media" and offering full assistance to the military to facilitate an investigation. Letter also raises Jan. 6 remarks by Kimmitt to Marshall and protests them.
Jan. 12: Reuters receives a response to its Jan. 9 letter from HQ 82nd Airborne, Ramadi, signed by Staff Judge Advocate Lt. Col. Thomas Ayres advising that Swannack has ordered a division-level investigation of the allegations by a field-grade officer. "In our view, evidence still exists for the U.S. to reasonably suspect these three individuals of involvement in the downing of the U.S. helicopter on January 2, 2004," the letter states, adding the three remain under investigation. The letter contains a request to Reuters to hand over all documents in its possession related to the incident, as well as employment records or contracts of the three. It is accompanied by a list of 25 questions to answer, relating to the three, their background, relationship with Reuters, work practices and "any indication at all of their leaning/feelings about the Coalition".
Jan. 16 Jan: Schlesinger responds to Lt. Col. Ayres. The 42-page reply answers the 25 questions, appends the Reuters Trust Principles and medical reports and provides full transcripts of the taped testimony of the three. It also offers to make available copies of the tapes of the testimony, video footage, cameras and other equipment. Letter says Reuters agrees that the military may conduct further interviews with the three, as well as question Reuters driver Alaa Noury, who witnessed the events, in the presence of Marshall.
Jan. 16: [Another] Reuters story about detainees and abuse.
Jan. 16: U.S. military press office in Baghdad releases statement announcing that Sanchez has ordered a criminal investigation into reported incidents of detainee abuse at an undisclosed Coalition detention facility in Iraq (the first word of events that would later be exposed at Abu Ghraib).
Jan. 23: Reuters outside counsel Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering writes to William (Jim) Haynes, [Department of Defense] General Counsel, about the Falluja abuse and suggesting that he may wish to take up the matter with Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz as "an institutional imperative".
Jan. 27 Schlesinger writes to Di Rita, copied to Sanchez and Bremer, noting it has been over three weeks since the detentions. Letter repeats call for a retraction or correction of the "enemy personnel" statement and for a full investigation into the treatment of the detainees, with all the evidence to be made available to Reuters. The letter states: "It has become clear that the military either does not yet appreciate the significance of the matters we have raised or -- even worse -- fully understands their seriousness but is deliberately attempting to downplay them or ignore them."
Jan. 27: Reuters issues a press release and story on the letter and the news agency's concerns at the apparent lack of action.
Jan. 29: Marshall in Baghdad receives an e-mail from 82nd [Public Affairs Officer] Cpt. Tammy Galloway containing an unclassified executive summary of the military investigation and its results. Galloway then again contacts by e-mail Marshall asking to "recall" the document. In subsequent e-mail exchanges, she advises first that the document was sent in error, then states that it was sent prematurely. She then says it is not intended for public use.
Simultaneously, Sanchez tells a news conference in Baghdad in response to questions from a Reuters reporter that the investigation should be completed within a week and "is right on the verge of being released".
Jan. 29: Schlesinger writes to Di Rita about receipt of the executive summary and requesting an urgent telephone conversation to ascertain whether the executive summary is the final word. Letter states, among other criticisms of the investigation, that the military's failure to interview the staff detained raises questions about its seriousness and credibility.
Feb. 3: Schlesinger receives a fax ... from Whitman ... The Whitman fax says the Pentagon takes the matter seriously, is "looking into each of your requests" and will respond shortly. Around the same time, Kimmitt tells a Reuters reporter at a news briefing in Baghdad that "most of the conclusions" of the investigation have already come out in the executive summary. Schlesinger again contacts Whitman by e-mail asking how the two assertions can be reconciled and follows up with a message to Whitman's Blackberry seeking an urgent conversation and advising that Reuters intends to go public with its concerns.
Feb. 3: In light of Kimmitt's comments, Schlesinger sends a letter to Di Rita, copied to Bremer, Sanchez, Haynes and Whitman about Reuters concerns with the investigation and advising that Reuters intends to issue a press statement about those concerns. The letter describes the investigation as "woefully inadequate" and criticizes gratuitous speculative conclusions in the summary that two of the detainees may have purposefully exaggerated their allegations for anti-coalition purposes. It repeats earlier criticisms of its conduct and demands a reopening of the investigation in a more thorough and objective manner at senior levels in the DoD.
The letter also states: "Moreover, many of the allegations are startlingly similar to allegations made by detainees at other U.S.-controlled facilities, and there is no indication that our staff were aware of these reports."
Feb. 3: Whitman calls Schlesinger soon after the Reuters story runs. According to Schlesinger's, note, Whitman says he has contacted Kimmitt, who advised him that while the executive summary contained "conclusions" the investigation had not been completed and the outcome needed to be vetted by the chain of command. Schlesinger quotes Whitman as telling him that "Mr. Di Rita, Larry, is very adamant to getting to the bottom of this ... Those are appalling allegations that we take very seriously." Whitman adds: "Regardless of what has been provided you to date, we don't consider this a closed matter by any means."
Feb 20: Marshall receives e-mail from Major Harper of the 82nd Airborne with the same executive summary sent to him "prematurely" on Jan. 29. Harper characterizes the attachment as the "final executive summary," implying the 82nd considers the investigation closed.
Feb. 20: Schlesinger speaks with Whitman about the Harper e-mail and the Dana report. On Falluja, Schlesinger minutes Whitman as telling him off the record: "This does not sufficiently address the issues you have raised and we know that." Schlesinger quotes Whitman as saying Sanchez himself is involved in the issue now and he and Sanchez have discussed it. Whitman said the e-mail represented the fact that the 82nd has finished its work, but now Sanchez was looking into the issue. "I'm confident this will work faster than your other issues," Whitman said.
Feb. 23: U.S. Army announces that 17 military personnel have been suspended pending investigations into reports of the mistreatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib. Reuters story also refers to investigations into the treatment of the Falluja detainees.
March 11: Reuters CEO Tom Glocer and Schlesinger visit Pentagon to meet Di Rita and Whitman ... Schlesinger minutes quote Di Rita as saying that the Sanchez investigation into Falluja is "nearly complete". (Note this is SIX days after the date on the letter we ultimately received from Sanchez declaring the matter closed.)
March 20: Kimmitt announces that six soldiers have been charged with offences stemming from the alleged abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib. "The coalition takes all reports of detainee abuse seriously and all allegations of mistreatment are investigated. We are committed to treating all persons under coalition control with dignity, respect and humanity," Kimmit says. Reuters story makes reference to the Falluja detainees.
April 28: CBS "60 Minutes II" airs graphic photographs of prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib, triggering widespread international condemnation and a crisis in the U.S. military.
May 2: Schlesinger resends his Feb. 3 letter to Di Rita. In a cover e-mail, Schlesinger states: "In light of the recent reports and pictures detailing the conditions for some prisoners held by the U.S. military in Abu Ghraib, I think it is imperative that our staffs' complaints, which were independent of and predate the current public reports, be reviewed thoroughly, objectively and with a new view towards their veracity."
May 12: Marshall advises the Reuters Iraq Security Group in an e-mail of his view that Reuters should consider another statement and story if the May 2 e-mail/letter to Di Rita fails to elicit a response. He advises that the Reuters detainees may want to go public.
May 14: Doherty speaks by telephone to Whitman to press for a report on the detentions and a response to Schlesinger's May 2 e-mail/letter. Whitman tells Doherty that he had been advised by CJTF-7 that a response from Sanchez had been sent to Reuters several weeks earlier. Doherty again advises Whitman that no correspondence has been received. Whitman says he has requested a copy of the Sanchez letter and is awaiting it.
May 17: Marshall e-mails [Political and General News Editor Paul] Holmes and [Middle East and Africa Editor Barry] Moody informing them that the Reuters detainees are now prepared to go public with specific details of the abuse and requesting advice on how to proceed. Holmes and Moody advise they support issuing a story on news grounds.
May 17: Whitman e-mails [Washington Bureau Chief Rob] Doherty a copy of the Sanchez letter, dated March 5. The Sanchez letter, addressed to Schlesinger, states that the general is confident the investigation was thorough and objective and that its conclusions, clearing military personnel of any wrongful conduct, was sound. Iraq Security Group decides to go ahead with story detailing the abuse.
May 18: Reuters issues story, bylined Andrew Marshall in Baghdad, detailing the abuse. An [update] to the story quotes Di Rita as saying: "The commander in Iraq reviewed the investigation in this matter and was persuaded that it was thorough and appropriate. Should there be new information provided sufficient to cause reconsideration of these particular allegations, such information would be reviewed and acted upon as appropriate."
May 19: Reuters issues story, bylined Vicki Allen in Washington, detailing General Sanchez's defense of the investigation. He tells reporters: "My belief is that the investigations that were conducted as a result of those allegations were thorough and the decisions were made at that time." Sanchez spoke to reporters after testifying before the Senate Armed Services Committee.
